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Over the years, sanctions have emerged as a preferred foreign-policy tool for many States, especially in the West. Sanctions serve a number of purposes, including the application of economic and political pressure on specific governments with a view to change their stance on a particular issue. International organisations, throughout the 20th century, used sanctions to impose their positions. The League of Nations first imposed sanctions in 1921

On the strategic side of things, Japan's economic cooperation with India is also a hedge against a rising China which is a direct threat to Japan as also India, if to a lesser extent.

India and South America have barely managed to maintain minimal bilateral ties for the last several decades. Absent strong ties in geography, what India and South America have instead is a shared post-colonial history. Colonised by European powers for several centuries, both began their journey as independent countries under conditions of underdevelopment and having inexperienced polities with a limited foreign policy agenda. Today, it is not onl

Neighbours India and Nepal, who share an open border, have not always had the most amicable of relations, oscillating from one extreme to the other. One of their long-standing disputes is over the border area of Kalapani. This discord has the potential to disrupt the other aspects of their ties, especially in the domains of the economy and cross-border security. Further, if the two countries fail to arrive at a resolution to the disagreement, it

Anti-Satellite (ASAT) technology continues to proliferate in terms of both weapons and dual-use technologies. The three major powers-the US, Russia and China-have proven ASAT capabilities while several other space-faring nations are working on securing such assets. This Paper assesses the implications for India. It argues that ASAT technology will give the country significant asymmetric capabilities and prove to be an effective deterrent against

The kidnapping of Indians in Iraq in June this year and the increasing number of Indians reportedly joining the Islamic State (IS) has elevated the degree of threat to India posed by the Sunni insurgent group.

A strategic partnership of two great democracies will counter the rising influence of techno-authoritarians.

India and the United States (US) have been cooperating in the health sector since the late 1960s. The cooperation has intensified in the past decade, riding on institutional structures established following the launch of the US-India Health Initiative in 2010. It has seen further expansion since the COVID-19 pandemic, and today covers a wide range of areas including disease prevention and combating infectious diseases, maternal and child

PM Narendra Modi has an opportunity to play peacemaker at the most important peace summit since World War II. India’s well-established relationship with Russia is the key.

Why did the Indian government decide on this course of action?

A ‘new age’ free trade deal with India remains critical in anchoring the United Kingdom economically to the Indo-Pacific

Instead of just emulating established successful models, India needs to build on innovative and creative ‘India model’ that harnesses the skills at the national, state and local levels.

While the Vikrant’s commissioning definitely boosts India’s naval capabilities, the overall trend in naval power is clearly shifting away from India.

What explains New Delhi’s greater engagement with the country’s military government?

The recent brutal gang rape in Delhi is not just significant for its violence against women in India, it is also a commentary on the country coming of age, of our desire to move forward, and of our resolve to treat what ails our society.

India’s engagement in the Arctic has evolved from a primarily scientific focus to one increasingly shaped by geopolitical and strategic considerations. However, this shift highlights an inconsistency in India’s strategic decision-making: while New Delhi seeks to help shape a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific by working with like-minded democracies, its Arctic strategy remains largely anchored in cooperation with Russia, whose actions in U

The global shortage in semiconductors that occurred during the Covid-19 pandemic, resulted in heavy losses for many economic sectors. The fragility of the supply chain and the innate dependencies within, have made semiconductor collaboration essential to maintain the industry’s efficiency. This brief examines how semiconductors have become a fulcrum for building potential technology alliances. It outlines ongoing diplomatic initiatives

Worse, by attacking the social fabric of the country, the Hindutva groups are laying the ground for greater insecurity in the future.

Beyond personalities and politics, there is one basic question we need to ask ourselves: Why even 66 years after independence, is New Delhi's influence in its region shrinking instead of expanding?

It would be difficult to graft something like the U.S. system on to the Indian system. Yet, clearly the time has come when Mizoram and Nagaland also have a say in India's Myanmar policy, instead of merely having to bear its consequences.

All of our neighbours run huge trade deficits with India which is not good for promoting harmonious relations. Basically, the whole South Asia is India-centric and instead of playing the big brother, India can afford to be generous. It will be beneficial to us in the long run to have peace and prosperity in the region.

India should try to make its development cooperation more effective and make sure that instruments lines of credit deepen India’s economic engagements with partner countries like Vietnam.

The India Poll 2013, prepared by the Lowy Institute for International Policy in partnership with Australia India Institute at the University of Melbourne, provides stark and surprising insights into what the people of India think about their future and the world.

India's external balance is changing fast with new equations being worked out. We need to set our house in order - refurbish our political apparatus, rebuild the crumbling state of our institutions and reorient and revamp our governance capacities.

Even as India engages China in a dialogue, or becomes a way station in the sea silk route, New Delhi needs to take some lessons from China and anchor its maritime policies on a strong navy. As of now, we can more than hold our own in the Indian Ocean against all but the US Navy. But, tomorrow is another day.

India should put its Eurasian ambitions on hold for a while and focus on its immediate neighbourhood.

India should invest more and invest it where it matters in Afghanistan to strengthen its presence and influence in a country which is struggling valiantly to initiate a process of nation-building against extreme odds.

Though Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi had recently claimed that China and India are "natural strategic partners", the reality is somewhat more complex. Because we have witnessed Beijing's curious move on the Depsang plains in April, on the eve of their prime minister's visit to India. And just hours before Antony was due to land in Beijing, Major General Luo Yuan was breathing fire against India.

Capabilities that China builds to deal with the US can easily be turned against India. However, India does not have to assume that such conflict of interest with China is inevitable. India can reach out to China. It will be to the benefit of both countries to engage in periodic military CBMs.

ASAT weapons, while useful to knock out communications and imaging satellites, are not all that effective against those flying at higher orbits.

As the annual Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore begins this week, Indian Defence Minister will not be present for the meeting suggesting that the tone of disinterest in Asian defence diplomacy set by the previous government appears to continue.

It remains to be seen whether political will sustains subsequent steps crucial to consolidate this momentum

India's decision to go for the European option in the 42000 crores MMRCA deal is going to hurt India in politico-strategic terms compared to any possible significant gains. Not just numerical superiority and costs but more importantly the strategic benefits should have been the guiding factors in making the decision on MMRCA.

Incidents in China should serve as a reminder that racial bias against Africans will be counterproductive for countries wanting to pursue a holistic partnership with African countries.

With Narendra Modi pursuing a very active Indian Ocean region diplomacy, Maldives cannot be kept away from his outreach programme. Maldives is key to our strategic interests in the Indian Ocean and any instability or discord in its internal affairs would have a bearing on our security.

India has to deftly navigate the TPP waters by making sure it does not isolate itself by staying out of the picture for too long. At the same time, actively committing to the TPP will be hard. India should pursue an incremental process, where it initially joins the discussions and then determines how well it is placed to enter as a member. India could bring much needed flexibility to the TPP and use it to boost its own ties with United States.

While viewing China through the prism of economic rivalry is unhelpful, so is judging it based on relations with neighbouring countries. Doing so is distracting, and makes India look insecure, with a developing country mind-set rather than that of aspiring superpower.

While the bilateral relation between India and Kazakhstan has strengthened in the past few years, accessibility remains a major obstacle to our economic cooperation. Given the present problems, India, in the immediate future, needs to focus on the Iranian route and the North-South Corridor.

Apart from dispelling the sense of drift, Putin’s visit was a clear signal of the commitment to a multipolar global order and reinforced strategic balance as an enduring factor in ties

''The Centre will consider the prevailing situation in Sri Lanka and the overall relationship between India and its island-neighbour while formulating its stand on the US-backed resolution against Sri Lanka in the UNHRC,''.

Mr. Strobe Talbott, President of Brookings Institution and former US deputy secretary of state, said that the improvement in Indo-US relations is not as real as it should be. Mr. Talbott was delivering a talk at the ORF Mumbai University on February 10, 2005.

Amid rising challenges such as food insecurity and climate change, the India-Africa partnership in agriculture and food security has become increasingly vital. But what is India’s “3A” framework, and how does it provide scalable, cost-effective solutions tailored to African realities?

India and Southeast Asia share a long cultural history, which over the years has helped shape economic and commercial relations between them. This partnership garnered an impetus following the launch of India’s ‘Look East Policy’ in the early 1990s, rechristened ‘Act East’ in 2015. This brief analyses the trade and investment relations between India and the member states of ASEAN. It highlights the various challenges in the relationship

The potential welfare gains arising from the services agreement appear to be in India's favour as well as for member economies of ASEAN. The policy focus of both ASEAN and the individual member nations has been on merchandise trade liberalisation, and on inducing foreign investment-led transfer of technology, which has so far resulted in low regional integration in services.

Amidst the challenges like less liberalised service sector of certain ASEAN members, there exists an opportunity for India to harness the gains from trade in services in the wake of the comparative advantage that it enjoys in certain services.

Farooq Sobhan, President of the Bangladesh Enterprise Institute and former Foreign Secretary of Bangladesh, addressed the ORF Faculty on March 12, 2008. In his speech, he stressed on building a strong relationship between India and Bangladesh by encouraging greater connectivity and investments. Both countries, he felt, should leave behind the baggage of mistrust and neglect and recognise that they can gain much through a closer relationship.

This brief offers a way to rethink the ongoing dispute between India and Bangladesh over the former’s plan to build a high dam on River Barak (known as Surma-Kushiyara and Meghna in Bangladesh) at Tipaimukh in the state of Manipur. It identifies the origins of different sources of water for Bangladesh’s Haor, the region that is widely feared to be under threat by India’s planned dam. The brief recommends the conduct of a comprehensive study

There have been several changes in the political landscape in the geography of Central Asia — with the entry of China as a major player in funding infrastructure projects in the region, and the weakening influence of USA in the markets, along with the independence from Soviet Union.