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In next four months, there is going to be a new government in New Delhi. The upcoming general elections are likely to be one of the most bitter and hard-fought battles in country's over six decades of Independence.
Are national parties on decline? Can a non-Congress, non-BJP coalition come to power in New Delhi after the next General Elections due in 2014? Or even before, if a political crisis or coalition-accident leads to mid-term elections?
New Delhi’s relations with Moscow continue to be good, but the long-term prognosis is complicated, especially by China.
There is a lot riding on the relationship for both New Delhi and Canberra given that both have a inherent interest in balancing China and ensuring a stable Indo-Pacific strategic order.
New Delhi requires partners both outside and inside Afghanistan to protect its presence and interests in the war-torn country.
The deep-seated contradictions among member states on regional security and terrorism, combined with growing Chinese influence, have compelled New Delhi to perform a strategic balancing act.
Despite being knocked off its feet by the collapse of the Ghani government of Afghanistan in mid-August 2021, New Delhi has quickly re-established its presence in the new Taliban-led Afghanistan.
Afghanistan’s situation has thrown up challenges for New Delhi
New Delhi is trying to deepen ties to confront common threats but in-group differences pose hurdles
As 2017 draws to a close, India can look at the year gone by with some satisfaction even as there might be some trepidation about the coming year.
New Delhi has the chance to shape the global agenda and advocate for its vision of multilateralism.
The Iran sanction waiver issue is just the latest manifestation of New Delhi’s rising challenge in managing ties with Tehran.
The Trump administration’s sanctions hardball puts New Delhi in a tight spot.
Global trends are evolving rapidly and major powers are re-defining their ties with each other to match their contemporary requirements. In light of these trends, New Delhi will also have to be diplomatically nimble as it seeks to engage major powers more substantively.
Speculations are rife about India possibly inviting Australia for the next Malabar naval exercise—which COVID-19 has caused to be moved to 2021.[1] If true, this would represent a break from the past and signal a change in the Asian strategic environment. Over the past few years, India has consistently resisted including Australia in the exercise, despite the latter’s willingness. The only other time that Australia was included in the Malabar
While a recent test is no doubt historic, New Delhi has much work left to do to address the challenges that remain.
Global energy markets have battled continuous uncertainty over the past three years, disrupted first by the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 and 2021, and by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. India has been adept at navigating both these disruptions, using economic diplomacy to position itself favourably in the geopolitics of oil. New Delhi’s delicate balancing of its political relationship with both Washington DC and Moscow has been accompanied
In recognition of ASEAN’s limitations, New Delhi must also continue to strengthen its ties with other institutions, frameworks, and countries as well.
The new numbers highlight New Delhi’s continued challenge of investing in its much-needed military modernization.
New Delhi’s strategic recalibration recognises the South China Sea’s critical importance to regional security and the global maritime order
With discussions underway for Canberra to join the Malabar naval exercises, New Delhi hopes to add a new backer in its fight against China
The pace of growth in the Australia-India strategic relationship is quite impressive, but New Delhi’s hesitance on hard security issues may hamper further developments.
New Delhi finds a prominent place in the strategy’s focus on Washington’s network of allies and partners across the Indo-Pacific.
By improving business ties with Beijing, New Delhi is advancing its economic interests amid uncertainty from Washington.
New Delhi is increasingly positioning itself as a significant player in African peace, security and development. Examining the question of how India responds to state fragility in Africa, this brief finds that India’s engagement is mostly transactional: working around, rather than on, sources of political fragility. Development and security interventions tend to operate in silos, but might change if Indian commercial investments are threatened
While India rhetorically endorses the idea of the Indo-Pacific, three issues prevent actual operationalisation of the concept for New Delhi.
‘Dogmas of Delhi’ mustn’t beat our ability to innovate and experiment at the level of big ideas
New Delhi is clearly making a push to expand its capabilities in the critical semiconductor industry.
The establishment of a new private institution has spotlighted New Delhi’s ongoing efforts to build out the commercial aspect of its space program.
The Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in August 2021 changed the strategic dynamics in the region. For India, the new regime and its attendant risks—especially the threat of terrorism—quickly put it in an unenviable position. This brief assesses India’s policy towards Afghanistan since August 2021. It will cover how India has articulated its Afghan policy, domestically and in multilateral organisations, and its incremental
Delhi wants to remain an Eurasian power, swinging between East and West according to its priorities. Its military ties with Moscow. The economic importance of Beijing. America as a strategic counterweight – as long as it works.
New Delhi approved a proposal to purchase six conventional submarines, but given past delays it’s not clear that India’s naval woes will dissipate anytime soon.
Realities in the Indo-Pacific region have changed, and it’s time for New Delhi to deepen its political ties with Taipei.
Delhi must contribute its bit to shape the rules of a “reformed multilateralism”
As New Delhi and Taipei draw closer together, the map of the Asia-Pacific could change for good.
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi of Japan visited New Delhi for talks with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and other Indian leaders in the last week of April,2005. In interviews given before the visit, he did not characterise the emerging relationship between India and Japan as a strategic partnership. However, he spoke of a convergence of strategic interests.
There is very little doubt that there would be a change of Government in Delhi from June, 2014. It is also most likely that the new Government will be that of the National Democratic Alliance. The BJP is the largest single party among the NDA constituents who will present the new Prime Minister.
Observer Research Foundation in collaboration with RAND organized a two-day Indo-US Strategic Dialogue at ORF Campus, New Delhi, on December 10 and 11, 2003.
Under its International Terrorism Watch Project, the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) organised a one-day Workshop at New Delhi on October 20, 2004, on the theme: "Recent Intelligence Failures in the USA, the UK & Russia: Their Lessons for India".
Delhi and Tehran must now sit down with the new government in Kabul to negotiate trilateral trade and transit agreements that will ensure an early realisation of all economic and strategic benefits that the Chabahar project promises.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's trip to America will show if there is any political energy left in the UPA government for purposeful international engagement. If the answer is in the negative, the rest of the world will simply wait for stronger leadership to re-emerge in Delhi. India might pay a price for the wasted moments, but the ruling party may not much care, having grown rather comfortable with a do-nothing foreign policy.
The wide ramparts of Delhi’s historic Red Fort have set the stage for prime ministers to grandstand every year since 1947.
We cannot overlook the fact that the country's courts continue to be the objects of terrorist attacks while looking at the 'disciplining' of a police constable in public view, for neglecting the checking duty at a New Delhi court.
Despite growing strategic convergence, New Delhi should also be mindful of some of the limitations in the relationship.
Talk of a “Tibet card” in India’s hands is not new, but is New Delhi likely to play it?
Promising a more inclusive and transparent development model, New Delhi is looking to become the region’s biggest partner.
China’s refusal to resolve the border dispute, and force Delhi to accept Beijing’s primacy, cannot be acceptable to India
Given the history of India-Israel ties, not much will change regardless of the government in power in New Delhi
We need to do a few things to bring normalcy in Kashmir that go beyond tourism statistics. We need to keep Pakistan out of the equation. We need to genuinely empower the elected government and allow the State to be governed from Srinagar and not from Delhi.
The rise, if you want to call it that, of another Asian power on the flanks of China, one which also has difficulties with Beijing, is to India's advantage. New Delhi is not unaware of the geopolitical benefits.
