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Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi of Japan visited New Delhi for talks with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and other Indian leaders in the last week of April,2005. In interviews given before the visit, he did not characterise the emerging relationship between India and Japan as a strategic partnership. However, he spoke of a convergence of strategic interests.
There is very little doubt that there would be a change of Government in Delhi from June, 2014. It is also most likely that the new Government will be that of the National Democratic Alliance. The BJP is the largest single party among the NDA constituents who will present the new Prime Minister.
Observer Research Foundation in collaboration with RAND organized a two-day Indo-US Strategic Dialogue at ORF Campus, New Delhi, on December 10 and 11, 2003.
Under its International Terrorism Watch Project, the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) organised a one-day Workshop at New Delhi on October 20, 2004, on the theme: "Recent Intelligence Failures in the USA, the UK & Russia: Their Lessons for India".
Delhi and Tehran must now sit down with the new government in Kabul to negotiate trilateral trade and transit agreements that will ensure an early realisation of all economic and strategic benefits that the Chabahar project promises.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's trip to America will show if there is any political energy left in the UPA government for purposeful international engagement. If the answer is in the negative, the rest of the world will simply wait for stronger leadership to re-emerge in Delhi. India might pay a price for the wasted moments, but the ruling party may not much care, having grown rather comfortable with a do-nothing foreign policy.
The wide ramparts of Delhi’s historic Red Fort have set the stage for prime ministers to grandstand every year since 1947.
We cannot overlook the fact that the country's courts continue to be the objects of terrorist attacks while looking at the 'disciplining' of a police constable in public view, for neglecting the checking duty at a New Delhi court.
Despite growing strategic convergence, New Delhi should also be mindful of some of the limitations in the relationship.
Talk of a “Tibet card” in India’s hands is not new, but is New Delhi likely to play it?
Promising a more inclusive and transparent development model, New Delhi is looking to become the region’s biggest partner.
China’s refusal to resolve the border dispute, and force Delhi to accept Beijing’s primacy, cannot be acceptable to India
Given the history of India-Israel ties, not much will change regardless of the government in power in New Delhi
We need to do a few things to bring normalcy in Kashmir that go beyond tourism statistics. We need to keep Pakistan out of the equation. We need to genuinely empower the elected government and allow the State to be governed from Srinagar and not from Delhi.
The rise, if you want to call it that, of another Asian power on the flanks of China, one which also has difficulties with Beijing, is to India's advantage. New Delhi is not unaware of the geopolitical benefits.
India and Japan may soon reach an agreement on civil nuclear cooperation, even as Tokyo insists on New Delhi to sign the NPT, says Amb. Hirabayashi Hiroshi, former Japanese ambassador to India and the present President of Japan-India Association.
While New Delhi’s desire to cultivate closer defense ties with Tokyo is clear, its overall strategic approach is much less so.
The expanding engagement with the Japanese navy, one of the strongest in the world, should give a boost to India's maritime diplomacy in Asia. If New Delhi's interests in the Pacific are growing, Tokyo's naval profile in the Indian Ocean has begun to expand.
Whatever happens between Kabul and Rawalpindi, India has no reason to get too anxious. If Delhi holds its nerve and plays well the few cards it has, India could yet have some impact on the evolution of the Af-Pak dynamic.
The apparent role of Lashkar-e-Tayyeba in the terrorist attack in Srinagar on June 24, killing 8 jawans, has raised several questions which may sour the tone and tenor of New Delhi's renewed engagement with Islamabad.
Excerpts from a lecture delivered by Sardar Abdul Qayuum Khan on April 28, 2007 at the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, and the open discussion that followed his presentation. Sardar Sahib led a delegation of 23 persons from PoK, which included senior political leaders from different parties. A galaxy of well-known diplomats, academics, media persons and analysts attended the meeting, which was chaired by Shri. M. Rasgotra, former Foreig
Intra Kashmir dialogue is necessary for peace in Kashmir, said former president and prime minister of Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), Sardar Abdul Qayyum Khan, while delivering an address at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, on April 28, 2007.
New Delhi has geopolitical opportunities in China rethinks underway in Germany and other countries
Congress and BJP's answer to the Supreme Court's question on Arvind Kejriwal's petition, challenging the imposition of President's rule in Delhi, may have the potential to rearrange the political landscape.
As New Delhi and Seoul reconnect politically, the planned visit of President Park to India in the next few months provides an occasion to think boldly about the future of the bilateral partnership. If Delhi can look beyond China in its policies towards northeast Asia, it will find that South Korea can help develop very interesting strategic options for India.
What Colombo and Beijing are telling Delhi is that Chinese naval presence in Sri Lanka is now routine and India should get used to it. Delhi quite clearly will find it hard to digest. But, if Delhi wants to limit or reverse Colombo's strategic tilt towards China, it should start with a comprehensive review of its policy towards Sri Lanka.
The growing vulnerability of the elderly is evident from National Crime Record Bureau's recent move to tabulate data on crimes against senior citizens, beginning from 2014. Predictably, big cities have been found to be the most unsafe for them, with Delhi topping the list.
A year after India abstained in the Libya vote, it's clear that India's decision to step aside gained it little, and may have done significant damage to its international standing. If Delhi is to meet its aspirations of becoming a significant regional, let alone global, player, then it needs to think more carefully about the message its positions send.
According to the Delhi Police, Haroon Rashid, an Indian mechanical engineer, who is alleged to be a member of the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT), was arrested by them at the Delhi airport on May 16, 2005, on his arrival from Singapore where he had reportedly gone to do a training course.
As Washington and Beijing circle each other in Asia, Delhi needs to step up engagement with both. The question is not about picking sides, but about relentlessly pursuing India's own interests.
Narendra Modi is in a good position to take a strategic approach to the Middle East. While Delhi must be sensitive to the multiple faultlines, old and new, Modi must signal that India is open to business with all countries in the region.
The Russia-India-China trilateral meet is New Delhi’s attempt to overcome challenges in ties with Moscow and Beijing
The gathering of southeast Asian leaders last week at a summit in Delhi was a celebration of India's Look East policy. Could we imagine a similar "Look West" strategy towards the Arabian Peninsula?
The next government must recognise that the Bay of Bengal is no longer a backwater but a strategic hub connecting the Indian and Pacific Oceans as well as China and the Bay of Bengal. Delhi must match its rhetoric on trans-border connectivity with much needed political will and administrative competence.
The first week of November 2019 saw the worst smog and pollution levels in Delhi in three years; flights were turned away and schools were kept closed. These recorded levels of pollution, however, fit a pattern and are not totally unexpected. While the Delhi government showed some signs of being forewarned—announcing the rationing of vehicles on the road according to the odd and even scheme, and promising to distribute over five million masks�
It did not receive as much media attention as the one by predecessor Mohammed Nasheed a fortnight earlier in the host nation. Yet when President Mohammed Waheed Hassan Manik came calling at New Delhi he did make his points, loud and clear at corridors and quarters that mattered.
Why will Moscow be an immense diplomatic challenge for India?
From all reports, it is quite clear that the Japanese PM's Delhi visit would mainly be devoted to consolidate the partnership and draw up a fresh road map for future developments. The much anticipated agreement on civil nuclear cooperation is not likely to happen during the current visit.
India’s geography lends itself favourably to the cultivation and expansion of maritime ties. Yet, for much of the country’s contemporary history, the country has overlooked these opportunities. As the world reengages with its vast ocean spaces, India too, has become more willing and capable of participating in the maritime domain. This paper outlines the evolution of the country’s maritime outlook as it shifts its largely continental-orient
If efforts to dilute tensions between the West and Russia fail, Delhi will have to intensify its engagement with Moscow to develop the relationship as leverage against what is perceived to be India's primary strategic challenge - the rise of China. India and Russia will have to creatively use various forums to circumscribe Chinese power.
With the Chinese navy's increasing ability to project power into the Indian Ocean, it is important for New Delhi to strengthen its strategic outpost in the Andaman and Nicobar territory and remain a security provider to the region.
New Delhi’s approach to Southeast Asia within the wider Indo-Pacific region is strategically sound but has limits.
Minister of State for Defence Production Hon. Rao Inderjit Singh inaugurated, on October 12, 2006, a national seminar on "Public Private Partnership in Defence: Problems and Prospects", hosted by Observer Research Foundation (ORF), New Delhi.
Is greater economic engagement with China feasible at a time when New Delhi is moving closer to Beijing’s red lines on Taiwan, Tibet and South China Sea?
New Delhi is yet to get its defence engagement with Jakarta in shape. Through the decade-long UPA rule, Delhi and Jakarta had been talking about expanding bilateral defence cooperation. But progress had been rather slow thanks to the government's dysfunctional defence policies.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to France, Germany and Canada beginning Thursday should help New Delhi consolidate three of India's very special relationships -with France, Germany and Canada. Modi's visit to Europe and Canada should help restore some balance to India's international engagement.
New Delhi is going through the motions of pretending everything is normal.
In 2018, significant developments could take place in Southeast Asia, beginning with the Indo-ASEAN commemorative summit on January, followed by New Delhi hosting all the ASEAN leaders collectively as chief guests at the Republic Day function.
The Modi government's real challenge in Nepal is not China. It is the tragic failure of Delhi's own engagement with Kathmandu. Despite geographic proximity, cultural intimacy, economic interdependence and shared political values, India has stumbled in Nepal.
By announcing the creation of a chief of defense staff, New Delhi hopes to modernise India’s armed forces.
