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Public education is a tool for human capital formation. In India, even as private institutions provide an option, a majority of students attend public schooling; yet, private-school students continue to outperform their public-school counterparts. Using parameters associated with Goal 4 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG 4 – Quality Education), this paper estimates the sub-national level state of public education in India by constructing

Human rights issues have been a cornerstone of US foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. This paper examines Washington’s human rights focus on India and China under former President Donald Trump, and identifies trends under the current Joe Biden administration. The paper notes an emergent US bipartisan approach to refocus on Beijing’s human rights record following a period of policy dissonance owing to concerns to protect its economic

In New Delhi, this apparent shift in Washington's posture has come as a surprise. What is even more startling is the timing - coming on the heels of India's retaliation against Pakistan for its involvement in the Pahalgam terrorist attacks on civilians.

A former director at the Cabinet Secretariat, D.S. Rajan, says that though India-China relations are peaceful for the time being, New Delhi cannot lower its guard as China's intentions are not clear with regard to the border issue.

New Delhi will have to keep a close watch on global debates on economic security and the impetus building to restructure the world’s trading system

Both President Obama and Prime Minister Modi have seized the moment to reinvigourate the bilateral ties. If Modi has put America at the very centre of his dynamic foreign policy strategy, Obama appears eager to work with what is undoubtedly a more vigorous and action-oriented government in Delhi.

A look at why the stalemate in relations between New Delhi and Srinagar persists.

Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence, which is threatened by the formation of the Narendra Modi government in Delhi, have been reactivating networks of LeT and Jaish-e-Mohammad in Kashmir since May/June 2013.

An independent country for the Kashmiris is impossible and can remain only as a dream, said Sardar Mohd. Abdul Qayyum Khan, former President and former Prime Minister of Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), while delivering an address at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, on September 26, 2005.

Disputes with Pakistan and China limit India’s sea projection. But the country has a growing need to protect vital sea routes and this changes its approach. Ties with America and Russia influence New Delhi’s posture

China has a somewhat limited aim to keep India as a neutral in their real battle that for pre-eminence in East Asia, where they are pitted against the Japan-US combine. India has no real stakes in the conflict, and it is not as if Japan supports the Indian position on our borders with China or Jammu & Kashmir. Yet, New Delhi needs to handle the issue with a great deal of care.

Since the toppling of the Taliban government in 2001, India and Afghanistan have witnessed a significant strengthening of their bilateral ties. As Afghanistan's stability is important for India's own, New Delhi has readily supported the growth of democracy in its neighbour, battered as it is by many years of conflict and instability. This paper maps out the nature of India's relationship with Afghanistan, focusing on the two nations' economic, po

Ties between India and Australia are wide-ranging: from geostrategic cooperation and trade, to soft power mechanisms such as cricket and tourism. This paper makes a case for improving bilateral relations between New Delhi and Canberra. While there are substantial opportunities for trade and investment flows between the two countries, the engagements have been largely underdeveloped over the years. The immense scope of complementarities between th

India and Canada’s relationship is yet to develop to its full potential. This paper examines the ideological and strategic divergences between India and Canada that have shaped their bilateral engagement over the years. It argues how diaspora politics and the presence of Khalistan sympathisers in Canada has affected New Delhi’s interest in seeking a broader relationship with Ottawa. The paper points to the potential of economic relations that

After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, India established official ties with the five former Soviet Republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan; so did China. In recent years, both India and China have come up with different strategies to strengthen their respective ties with these resource-rich economies, collectively called the Central Asian Republics (CARs). China’s strategy is the ambitious Belt and Roa

Defensive cyber operations are necessary to protect a network. At the same time, Offensive Cyber Operations (OCOs) cannot be neglected in military planning and should get as much attention as defensive cyber missions. Given the massive requirements for investment in cyber military capabilities geared for OCOs, this paper makes a case for the importance of OCOs for India. It outlines a roadmap for New Delhi to achieve effective OCO planning.

India needs to do a more convincing job as a beneficial strategic partner of ASEAN by boosting its domestic economic reforms agenda, enhancing regional connectivity, and increasing its presence in regional institutions. ASEAN too should be more specific in its expectations from New Delhi.

India's ability to separate the Palestinian issue from Indo-Israeli relations could be tested in the future. As the security situation in Israel and the Palestinian territories deteriorates and Israel faces greater international pressure to negotiate an end to the conflict, it may not be long before Tel Aviv turns to New Delhi for diplomatic support.

There is an increasing realisation in New Delhi about the cross-benefits available to the country on social, political, economic and strategic fronts from its neighbours as they are bound to benefit from healthy bilateral and multilateral arrangements encompassing the entire South Asian region.

While there is common ground between India and the US in Afghanistan, the intricacies are complex, and for now only provide an ecosystem for New Delhi and Washington to work together on containing the Taliban.

India has had modest success in its efforts to internationally isolate Pakistan as a state-sponsor of terrorism. More effective in this regard has been Pakistan’s own duplicity vis-à-vis the West. Indian discourse has not resonated abroad because it relies too heavily on respect for vague global norms rather than adherence to specific national interests, which are more easily comprehended by foreign governments. New Delhi’s previous failures

Delhi sides with the U.S. and Japan vis a vis China in this strategic strait. But it needs substantial improvements.

Sri Lanka¿s new Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar, has indicated the importance, and relevance of India to the Sri Lankan context, by visiting New Delhi within days of his being sworn in. His visit to India even before the conclusion of the Indian electoral exercise was testimony to the mood in Colombo for increasing New Delhi¿s role and involvement in the Sri Lanka peace process.

New Delhi and Paris have a lot in common in terms of their strategic perspectives on a free, open, inclusive, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

Nowhere else is the confusion and contradiction in Sri Lanka's foreign relations more palpable than in Sri Lanka's 'India policy'. The Government of the day has no problem acknowledging the silent but significant Indian support for 'Eelam War IV' despite domestic developments and international pressures on New Delhi.

It demands New Delhi fulfil its obligations as a natural regional power and one lobbying for a permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council.

The Davos model of globalization is in need of a successor that New Delhi could potentially offer

After last summer’s clashes with China, New Delhi may finally be ready to leave ambiguity behind—and side with the West.

What explains New Delhi’s greater engagement with the country’s military government?

For New Delhi, the pressure from an unrelenting China is pushing India farther away — and leading it to deepen its security partnerships.

The recent brutal gang rape in Delhi is not just significant for its violence against women in India, it is also a commentary on the country coming of age, of our desire to move forward, and of our resolve to treat what ails our society.

The Navy needs a strategy of distant power projection. By employing a plan for sustained presence in the Western Pacific, New Delhi can show its resolve to Beijing.

India’s engagement in the Arctic has evolved from a primarily scientific focus to one increasingly shaped by geopolitical and strategic considerations. However, this shift highlights an inconsistency in India’s strategic decision-making: while New Delhi seeks to help shape a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific by working with like-minded democracies, its Arctic strategy remains largely anchored in cooperation with Russia, whose actions in U

New infrastructure built by India in Mauritius demonstrates New Delhi’s commitment to cementing its security presence in the IOR.

India has a range of interests to protect in Afghanistan. For far too long New Delhi’s reliance on Washington’s role as a security provider has been its major vulnerability.

Observers in New Delhi profess mixed feelings — some joy for Australia, but more commiseration with France

If Xi does not mend fences, Delhi will continue to frame policies assuming the worst about Beijing’s intentions

Unless India accelerates the pace of the physical border infrastructure build-up, New Delhi will face serious difficulties in any future confrontation with China.

Putting New Delhi and Beijing in the same bracket as drivers of South-South Cooperation is incorrect

Long sidelined by Islamabad, Moscow, and Beijing, New Delhi is finally taking a seat at the table.

India is assuming the leadership of SCO and G20. While the two groupings have divergent goals, Delhi will need to ensure that the concerns of developing nations are not ignored. An assertive foreign policy that seeks to shape and steer conversations will help

With India voting in favour of the anti-Sri Lanka resolution at the UN Human Rights Council, Delhi finds itself in a precarious position in Colombo vis-à-vis Beijing. Worse, it's likely to make the lives of Tamils more difficult in the island nation.

Beyond personalities and politics, there is one basic question we need to ask ourselves: Why even 66 years after independence, is New Delhi's influence in its region shrinking instead of expanding?

New Delhi has learnt over the years that direct intervention often comes at a price. Sometimes, it is worth playing the longer game rather.

India simply cannot afford to alienate the government in Male given China's growing reach. The President of Maldives was in China in October last year when Beijing announced a $500-million economic assistance for it. New Delhi views Maldives as central to the emerging strategic landscape in the Indian Ocean.

A pragmatic problem solving approach to the India-US trade spat is likely to yield New Delhi much greater dividends than an openly confrontational one

Even while Sri Lanka doesn't figure as a major asset to India, New Delhi is reluctant to lose it entirely to China.

India’s tepid response to the PGII seems odd given Delhi’s opposition to the BRI, which the new G-7 initiative seeks to counter.

The new political leadership in Delhi has given a ray of hope for the prospect of regional cooperation. In this regard, it is very important for India to understand how it is perceived by neighbouring countries in the South Asian region, says Bangladesh's Deputy High Commissioner Mahbub Hasan Saleh.