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Some roots lie in July 2016, when the Valley erupted following the gunning down of terrorist Burhan Wani.
India got a reality check recently when newspapers splashed the shocking conclusions of the first Socio-Economic and Caste Census since 1934. The message from the numbers is obvious: India has to resolve some very basic issues within before it can aspire to be any kind of power, regional or global.
When a strategy yields no results, or worse, is counterproductive, then the wise move is to change it. Our strategy of not reacting to repeated Pakistani depredations or offering conciliatory gestures may have earned us international accolades but has not made Pakistan change its policy options or stance towards India.
As Sino-Indian enmity in the maritime domain intensifies, the relationship between space assets and maritime capabilities in this constantly evolving rivalry remains understudied. This paper fills the gap with a comparative analysis that brings to the fore the importance of space sensors in the conduct of naval operations for both India and China. Equally relevant to this competition is the relationship between space assets and the nature of the
As long as both sides focus on reassuring their domestic constituencies rather than contradicting each other’s version of events, the chances of conflict are paradoxically lower. The problem is that in this crisis like any other, facts inevitably intrude.
India is expanding its aviation infrastructure rapidly with new runways, airports, and over 1,300 aircraft on order, aiming to become a global air travel hub. However, this growth is restricted by outdated bilateral air service agreements (ASAs), especially with the UAE, limiting seat capacity and raising fares.
Worse, by attacking the social fabric of the country, the Hindutva groups are laying the ground for greater insecurity in the future.
A pragmatic problem solving approach to the India-US trade spat is likely to yield New Delhi much greater dividends than an openly confrontational one
Even as India engages China in a dialogue, or becomes a way station in the sea silk route, New Delhi needs to take some lessons from China and anchor its maritime policies on a strong navy. As of now, we can more than hold our own in the Indian Ocean against all but the US Navy. But, tomorrow is another day.
The defining moment in India's international relations did not occur when Delhi voted with the US and its allies on Iran on the IAEA board. The real watershed in India's foreign policy occurred in May 1998,
With trade wars and financial realignments looming, India's success in this evolving landscape will depend on its ability to balance collaboration with autonomy
New Delhi must stand committed to its rhetoric on the Freedom of Navigation (FON) and to defend its interests should the need arise. This in turn would involve deepening naval cooperation with the key countries of the ASEAN and major powers sharing India's interest in defending the principle of FON.
Advani's most memorable quote: "You were asked only to bend, but you crawled" holds good today, as much as it did in 1975. Through the UPA regime, it was manifested in the absence of criticism of Sonia Gandhi, and now it is in the free ride that Narendra Modi gets.
Behind the Navy's success is project management. The managing directors of all the key shipyard are retired navy officers. Some, but not all, of these officers are engineers. Indeed, it is not their engineering skills that matter in the job they are doing, but their managerial abilities.Having served the Navy for a long time, they have considerable knowledge of the user's requirements, as well as the ability to manage large work teams.
Given the centrality of the Indian Ocean to its national security, it is time for India to leverage existing and emerging multilateral platforms to engage deeply with partner countries and take on a greater leadership role in the Indian Ocean Region.
China is now India's single largest trading partner and a big growing export market for Indian goods
Notwithstanding the friendly rhetoric and promises of Chinese investment, India and China still have big problems between them. The biggest, as Narendra Modi's remarks at the press interaction noted, is the border.
Countering China may be harder than India imagines. For one thing, regional countries aren’t willing to support any Indian moves to balance China in the Bay.
After the attacks, which killed more than 250 people, making it one of the most successful pro-ISIS attacks anywhere, information was leaked out to the Indian press that New Delhi shared intelligence with Colombo of an impending attack of similar nature.
India holds a primary interest in the Freedom of Navigation through the South China Sea. It also has an economic interest in exploring hydrocarbon resources in the area. But how effective are India's role as the balancing actor that the ASEAN nations seek?
Deeper people-to-people and economic ties and shared strategic concerns are driving the cooperation
France has emerged as one of India’s closest strategic partners and the relationship is likely to bloom further in the coming years.
In an important advance in the bilateral security cooperation between Delhi and Yangon, two naval vessels from Myanmar have arrived in Vishakhapatnam for joint exercises. While India's naval diplomacy with Myanmar is headed in the right direction, Delhi needs to step up the pace of cooperation.
The civil aviation sector can create lots of jobs — India can expect four million people to be employed by the industry, by 2030.
Faced with trade imbalances and geopolitical friction, India is pivoting from overt dependence on China to a “China-plus-one” strategy anchored in resilience and regional realignment
Heightened rhetoric about a Western plot, quack remedies and blind faith added to the problem in a nation where senior clerics and politicians have died in the pandemic
India's own satellite-based navigation system, similar to the well-known American Global Positioning System (GPS), is being readied. The first satellite of the seven satellite constellation is scheduled to be launched on July 1 from Sriharikota.
Polarisation over Kashmir and Jadhav, and the rise of rhetoric in India and Pakistan, only serves to feed into the narrative of aggressive nationalism that’s taken centre stage in India’s political discourse.
The expanding engagement with the Japanese navy, one of the strongest in the world, should give a boost to India's maritime diplomacy in Asia. If New Delhi's interests in the Pacific are growing, Tokyo's naval profile in the Indian Ocean has begun to expand.