43 results found
এই প্রতিবেদনটি সর্বপ্রথম প্রকাশিত হয় এনডিটিভি-তে। দু’ট
সমস্ত মূল অংশীদারকে সম্পৃক্ত করার মাধ্যমে আসিয়ান এবং ভা
ये दलील दी जाती है कि एक बार ताइवान पर चीन का कब्ज़ा हो जान�
Right from 1947, big powers have had their geopolitical interests in South Asia.
The division of India remains a long litany of tragedy for the consequences it threw up in the times following August 1947.
इसमें कोई शक नहीं है कि 5 अगस्त के फैसले से कई संभावनाएं व म
This law enacted in 1947 showed who would be in charge of capital in socialist India.
Jammu and Kashmir acceded to India on 26 October 1947, with Maharaja Hari Singh signing the Instrument of Accession as Afridi raiders reached Srinagar’s gates after burning the Mahura power station and forcing him to flee to Jammu in the night. In the power vacuum that ensued, Sheikh Abdullah, founding National Conference leader, emerged as the people’s representative to assume administration. After his dismissal in 1953, Delhi installed Baks
There was a massacre of hundreds of Shias of Gilgit in the Northern Areas (NA) of Pakistan (before 1947 called the Northern Areas of Jammu & Kashmir) in 1988 following a demand raised by them for the creation of an autonomous Shia state to be called the Karakoram State, consisting of the Shia majority areas of the NA, Punjab and the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP).
Domestic climate of social peace and stability needed to turn the tide
The pandemic COVID19 doesn’t just come in the way of the UN Sustainable Development Goals, but calls for a rethinking of the timeline.
While 1947 may have liberated India and Pakistan from the colonial yolk, the two countries have become slaves to the historical baggage they carry. It's therefore important for both sides to unburden themselves in whatever ways possible.
India and Thailand have long-standing civilisational ties shaped by centuries of cultural and commercial interaction. Despite the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1947, bilateral cooperation between them gained real momentum only after the Cold War, driven by shifting regional dynamics and deeper integration into multilateral forums. In recent years, mutual initiatives such as India’s “Act East” and Thailand’s “Act West” polic
Federalism has been part of the public discourse in India for many decades, before and after independence in 1947, but it has gained greater importance since the 1990s when the country's national polity saw the advent of the coalition era. With the states now asserting their position in areas which were considered the prerogative of the Centre, this Paper strives to analyse some of the related issues and suggests possible paths for the future
The wide ramparts of Delhi’s historic Red Fort have set the stage for prime ministers to grandstand every year since 1947.
This paper looks at debates from the days of the British Raj until now that have shaped India's strategic thought on Afghanistan. It highlights the impact of India's territorial construct on its strategic imagination and argues that India's Afghan policy is determined by its political geography. Afghanistan has proved to be a security lynchpin in South and A Central Asia over the last two decades. Home to a variety of militant networks with regi
Detritus of 1947 is being cleared. In Dhaka, Modi must unveil forward-looking economic agenda for region. A positive dynamic in the east may be extended to the north and the west.
Some despatches have made out that India "after starting the war in 1984 occupies higher positions." India did not start the war in 1984, but today occupies the heights. Pakistan started the war in 1947 and has continued that in different forms since then.
81 percent of India’s population is less than 44 years, and was born post-Independence, but all India's presidents were born prior to 1947.
The question of Palestine has been on the global agenda since 1947. It predates the current phenomenon of global terrorism and is not synonymous with it. It is nevertheless the principal cause of instability in West Asia.
The border between India and Bangladesh—highly crucial to their bilateral relationship—has always been difficult to manage given, for one, its sheer length. The most important bilateral initiative between Bangladesh and India may yet be the attempt to resolve the longstanding border dispute that arose after the Partition of 1947, by means of the 2015 Land Boundary Agreement (LBA) and the exchange of enclaves (chhitmahals) and adverse possessi
The spate of calls from within India’s political establishment, led primarily by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, for integrating Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK) raises the issue of the basis for India’s claim. This report highlights that the 1993 judgment of the Azad Jammu and Kashmir High Court, states that Gilgit Baltistan, formerly known as Northern Areas, is part of the Jammu and Kashmir State. Even the Supreme Court of Pakista
Upon the creation of Pakistan in 1947, millions of refugees and migrants from India made Karachi their new home, settling alongside the native Sindhi population. They identified themselves as mohajirs and have since been part of the long process of assimilation into Pakistan’s multiethnic, multilingual, Islamic republic. The political mobilisation of the group has led to the formation of a number of Mohajir parties, the strongest of which remai
Russia and Pakistan have never really had warm relations. Following Pakistan’s independence in 1947, then Prime Minister Liaqat Ali Khan was invited by both the Soviet Union and the US. He chose to visit the US, mainly because the US had 2 more capacity to help Pakistan economically.
This brief analyses the alignment between India’s development partnerships since Independence, and sustainability goals. It conducts the examination using three phases of India’s development partnerships—i.e., Phase 1, 1947-1990; Phase 2, 1991-2008; and Phase 3, post-2008—and finds that the country’s development cooperation agenda has historically incorporated objectives of sustainable growth. This pattern would continue throughout the
India-Russia relations have gone through a number of phases since their formal establishment in April 1947. Despite repeated projections of its decline following the end of the Cold War, India and Russia’s strategic partnership has persisted, and indeed in some areas has deepened. This brief argues that this could only mean that there is plausible geopolitical logic for both countries to persevere in strengthening their ties. It gives a histori
Potential security engagements among the three have spotlighted their increasing convergence.
There is no reason to believe that things will be any different if now Modi goes to Islamabad.
डोनाल्ड ट्रम्प के जीतने पर सबसे बड़ा बदलाव यूक्रेन में हो सकता है..
कोकणाला किंवा महाराष्ट्राला नव्हे तर जगाला तोंड द्याव्या लागणाऱ्या पर्यावरणाच्या प्रश्नाचा आपल्याशी असेलला संबंध समजून घेणे महत्त्वाचे आहे.
आसाममध्ये कोरोनाच्या दुसऱ्या लाटेत कधीही पूर्ण लॉकडाऊन करावा लागला नाही, आणि तरीही कोरोनाबाधितांची संख्या वेगाने घटते आहे.
सीमावर्ती क्षेत्रों में अवसंरचना बनाकर और सैन्य-नागरिक जुगलबंदी से स्थलीय एवं सामुद्रिक सीमा का अतिक्रमण करना चीनी तिकड़म का एक प्रमुख हिस्सा रहा है. इस साल चीन ने तिब्बत
जी-२० च्या दुहेरी अध्यक्षपदाचे शिवधनुष्य पेलण्यात इंडोनेशिया आणि भारत यशस्वी झाले तर, उदयोन्मुख जगासाठी त्याचे काम नवा उत्साह देणारे ठरेल.
कोरोनाने जागतिकीकरणात सुधारणा करणे आवश्यक ठरले असून, त्यासाठी ‘ग्लोकलायझेशन’ हा उत्तम पर्याय ठरू शकते, हे जाणवू लागले आहे.
कार्बन उत्सर्जनाचा सध्याचा दर वर्षाकाठी सुमारे ३४ टन आहे. ही गती भयानक असून, ती रोखण्यासाठी औपचारिकतेच्या पलिकडे जावे लागेल.
