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As tensions between Kabul and Islamabad threaten the fragile peace process in Afghanistan, the Taliban's role as a proxy for Pakistan's interests has come back into sharp focus again.

A reasonably objective assessment of Pakistan's War on Terror can only begin with acknowledging two facts. First, there has been an unprecedented level of terrorist violence in Pakistan for the past three years.

India cannot ignore what is happening in its North-West. It is not clear what is going to be Indian policy to protect its political, strategic and economic interests in Afghanistan. May be the Indian policy-makers will have to sit back and think of ways to ensure that India's role in Af-Pak region doesn't become minimal.

If the reports that Narendra Modi has sent emissaries to Pakistan are true, they indicate a recognition of the need to reassure leaders across the border that, were he to become prime minister, he would not be throwing a grenade at the bilateral relationship.

Although concrete evidence about Saudi intentions to acquire nuclear weapons' capabilities is not there the story continues to attract international commentary

Pakistan is facing an acute energy crisis. In times such as these, when energy resources are an important marker of future prosperity of a nation, Pakistan's grip over its energy resources is loosening day by day. The country has been facing major deficit in power supply over the last two years, forcing citizens to resort to violent protests on the streets.

It may not have been pretty, but the finish-line is within sight for the Zardari-led coalition government in Pakistan. And the first democratic transfer of power is a significant milestone in the growth of democracy in the country.

Facts on the ground suggest that Army Chief, Qamar Javed Bajwa, and his army are interested only in the formal trappings of democracy.

The continuing ceasefire violations on the India-Pakistan border could become a stumbling block in the renewed attempts by the leadership of the two neighbours to improve their relationship.

For Pakistan and its army, the year 2014 is crucial as the NATO troops withdraw from Afghanistan. There are fears in Pakistan of an Afghan civil war. There is also the long pursued Pakistani strategy of supporting the Afghan Taliban which may backfire.

On June 2, 2012, The News International reported, that in the Dera Ismail Khan district of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Province in Pakistan the 11-year-old Niazmina and her two-year-old sister Bakhtawar were given as compensation to the house of Juma Khan for the crime that their uncle, Muhammad Ikram, had committed.

Pakistan has alleged harassment of their mission's staff. Its reaction may have something to do with the internal domestic scene and the forthcoming elections.

The long-awaited military offensive in Pakistan's North Waziristan region, which began in mid-December, has raised questions about the overall objectives and intentions of the nation's army in fighting terrorism.

Throughout the Cold War - and afterwards - Russia's relations with Pakistan remained almost non-existent. However, with the United States and NATO pulling out its troops from Afghanistan in 2013,

During the recent crisis in Yemen, between the Houthis and the nine-nation military coalition led by the Saudis, a joint sitting of Pakistan's Parliament voted against joining the Saudi-led coalition.

It is becoming clear even to President Pervez Musharraf, Chief of Army Staff, Pakistan, that he will have to step down sooner than later. This brief discusses three immediate reasons to make such an assumption.

Recent political moves by the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in Sindh reflect more desperation than confidence, while the Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) is doing what every political party in Pakistan excels in - crying foul for having been deprived of effective power by a stronger adversary.

The relationship between the United States and Pakistan is one that grew exponentially in the first decade of the new millennia. However, following the post-US drawdown from Afghanistan, the United States' relationship with Pakistan has hit a roadblock of sorts.

The UPA government needs to inject some boldness into its Pakistan policy. A.B. Vajpayee, representing the "communal" BJP, visited Pakistan twice during his six-year tenure as PM. Manmohan Singh representing the "secular" Congress has been too timid to go across the border.

Of the many pressing challenges and crises facing Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, the one which is perhaps the most difficult to address is the sectarian blood-letting that has been tearing the social fabric of Pakistan for decades now.

Pakistan's first democratic transfer of power should have been a moment of hope and triumph. But, as it stands, widespread violence has marred the historic elections and all but halted the public campaigning by several prominent parties outside of Punjab.

Justice Iftikhar Chaudhary, who retired on December 12 after heading Pakistan's apex court for seven years, has left behind a contentious legacy of judicial activism, in many senses unprecedented and extraordinarily difficult to follow.

In the ongoing power game in Pakistan, the US would secretly back the Army despite all the ill feeling in recent weeks while publicly supporting the civilian government. Probably the US would prefer that the PPP government be sacrificed in an early election, something the Army would appreciate.

The on-going electricity crisis in Pakistan and the country-wide protests that followed have laid bare the weaknesses in the country's energy policy.

Pakistan Army chief Gen Ashfaq Kayani's Independence Day address at Pakistan Military Academy, Kakul, attracted widespread comments, mostly positive. In fact, Gen Kayani's speech eclipsed the standard presidential address on the occasion in the media.

Madrasas are Islamic religious seminaries, which were originally meant to train young persons, who wanted to take to religion as a profession. They wanted to work as clerics in mosques and as members of the staff in Islamic charitable institutions. In view of the limited career opportunities open to the students of the madrasas, only those who were keen to become religious clerics joined them. Till 1977,

Ever since a crestfallen Dr. A Q Khan admitted sheepishly on PTV that he had masterminded the sale of nuclear designs and materials to other countries, there has been a tirade of articles and letters to the editor berating Pakistan for nuclear proliferation. However, no real analysis has emerged about the implications for India, particularly of the likelihood of Pakistani nuclear warheads falling into Jihadi hands.

People have voted against the military’s political favourites but General Munir still gets to cook up the next coalition government

Pakistan’s new Prime Minister, Imran Khan, faces formidable challenges. For now, the most difficult one may yet be mollifying his restive fellow Pashtuns who have suffered grievously in the Army’s anti-terror operations in the country’s tribal regions.

After Operation Sindoor, India has established new conditions for dialogue with Pakistan, focusing solely on terrorism and PoK. As a strategic partner, New Delhi expects Washington to acknowledge these conditions and avoid hyphenating India with Pakistan

Can Pakistan help the US tame the Taliban so that Trump can withdraw US forces from Afghanistan? That’s the price the US demands in exchange for aid for Pakistan’s floundering economy, but success is far from assured

In contemporary conflicts, information warfare (IW) has shifted from a supporting role to the forefront, shaping perceptions, manipulating strategic narratives, and distorting democratic discourse. Since India’s Balakot airstrikes of February 2019—in retaliation for the Pulwama terrorist attack in Jammu and Kashmir that killed 46 paramilitary personnel—Pakistan has institutionalised IW as an element of its statecraft, targeting India. This

Pakistan continues to live in its own world as was reflected in its PM’s statement that there is no role for India in Afghanistan. Many in Pakistan are now putting all their eggs in China’s basket. The Xiamen BRICS declaration, which listed Pakistan-based terror organisations for the first time, should be a warning to Pakistan than an isolated Pakistan would be of little use to even China.

India is wise to emphasise the costs to Islamabad of its obstructionism. Pakistan cannot hold the future of South Asia hostage to its India paranoia.

Pakistan started developing the Nasr in the mid-2000s and the first report about the missile came out after a test firing in 2011.

Islamabad will deploy all political and diplomatic tools to lobby in the West. But it senses failure

The Pakistani military might now try to focus on India so as to resurrect its diminishing credentials, especially as General Qamar Javed Bajwa will be under pressure. He will have to prove his worth by making sure the regional security environment deteriorates.