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New Delhi’s approach to Southeast Asia within the wider Indo-Pacific region is strategically sound but has limits.
The Nepal-India-Sri Lanka initiative could be used to pursue better people-to-people relations.
The multilateral frameworks that were established following the Second World War paved the way to strengthening global governance and international cooperation. Over the decades, however, the ability of these multilateral forums to take collective action has been hobbled by institutional inertia, vested interests, and challenges to decision-making. Minilaterals are thus being seen as an alternative route to form partnerships and coalitions “of
The controversy over the Lok Pal refuses to die down. Coupled with the Baba Ramdev's aborted fast over unearthing black money, particularly that which is stashed away in overseas tax havens, Anna Hazare's continuing call on a 'Jan Lok Pal bill'.
Minister of State for Defence Production Hon. Rao Inderjit Singh inaugurated, on October 12, 2006, a national seminar on "Public Private Partnership in Defence: Problems and Prospects", hosted by Observer Research Foundation (ORF), New Delhi.
The Himalayan nation is far from resolving its governance woes more than five years after the democratisation and a change of elected government. If charges of corruption against government functionaries were not enough,
On March 9, 2004, Pakistan test fired solid propellant Shaheen-2 ballistic missile, which is supposed to be capable of carrying a nuclear warhead upto a range of 2500 kilometers. The aim of the test as stated officially was ¿to ensure the reach of the missile was sufficient to deter aggression and prevent military coercion¿. The speculations -or unstated aims- of the test were
Theodore Roosevelt in his famous dictum “speak softly, and carry a big stick,” spoke on Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and Balochistan.
Donald Trump’s Afghanistan policy reflects more continuity than he is willing to acknowledge
Converting 14 adoption centres of Missionaries of Charity into children homes, the Missionaries of Charity have given a jolt to the Central Adoption Resource Authority's plan to scale up their efforts in improving the adoption rate in India.
The nature of mob violence, now, is different. It is more seemingly random and anarchic.
This report is part of the Observer Research Foundation’s “Financing Green Transitions” series which aims to find potential linkages between private capital, in all its forms, and climate action projects. The series will primarily examine domestic and international barriers to private capital entry for mitigation oriented climate projects, while also examining potential avenues for private capital flow entry towards adaptation and resilienc
Analysts attribute the fall of Kabul to the Taliban in August 2021 to various factors. These include geopolitical shifts, and the Taliban’s tactics of warfare. However, fewer attempts have been made to understand the Taliban’s victory through internal mobilisation. This brief attempts to fill the gap, and examines the role of identity, grievance, and greed in the Taliban’s mobilisation and its contribution to a successful insurgency. It out
This brief explores four scenarios of climate action for India using a systems dynamics model called the Energy Policy Simulator for India. It investigates policy trade-offs and co-benefits and estimates the costs of climate action. It finds that deep decarbonisation in the Indian economy is possible while also boosting jobs and GDP and avoiding millions of premature deaths due to harmful air pollution. The low-carbon transition will require mass
Emphasising that majority of Taliban cadre can be won over for establishing peace in their war-torn country, Afghan government spokespersons said the peace initiative would become successful once ordinary Afghans realise that international forces are not going to remain in the country indefinitely.
The evolving contours of modern geopolitics is still in a state of flux, and there is wisdom in accepting the notion that the end result is perhaps indeterminable. The age of disruption is here, countries that thrive on disorder may do well in the short term, while nations who invest in stability may well define the future of globalisation and, indeed, the new world order
India’s Intended Nationally Determined Contributions for climate action emphasises the creation of an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to three billion tonnes by 2030 by increasing the country’s green cover. At the same time, however, harmful human activities such as legal and illegal logging, as well as deforestation for development purposes seem poised to negate the impact of these climate-action plans. While steps are being taken to prevent t
This Special Report reviews the path towards the commercialisation of coal mining in India, in the context of the auctions of blocks held in the last two years, and makes an assessment of the challenges facing the sector in view of global events. It builds on discussions raised during ORF's roundtables on the subject.
Both countries are likely to focus on trade and economic issues in Mamallapuram, but the overhang of the growing political dissonance in their relationship cannot and should not be discounted.
After celebrating his win, Modi needs to prepare for much work ahead on the foreign policy front.
Export orientation is a quality and time conscious eco-system which hinges on becoming part of global supply chains.
Modi 2.0 must be about deregulating the economy and improving core regulatory skills to monitor and punish deviations without snuffing out the freedom to innovate, grow or diversify, which are at the heart of entrepreneurship.
PM Modi’s first term was about expanding political power. This term is about instituting governance.
The government must redeem its earlier commitment to reduce the FD to 2.5% of the GDP over five years.
Is greater economic engagement with China feasible at a time when New Delhi is moving closer to Beijing’s red lines on Taiwan, Tibet and South China Sea?
In an apparent turnaround for Indian foreign policy, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in London in April underscores a change of approach towards a forum generally considered as a non-entity in Indian strategic circles. As a rising power, India is looking at engaging in avenues where its status is recognised, especially during this period of unprecedented global structural ch
Ties between India and Japan are historical and enduring. In the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC), the leaders of the two countries have married their respective countries’ “Act East” Policy and “Free and Open Indo Pacific” aspirations. The AAGC is envisioned to provide a renewed opportunity for partnership where both regions can complement each other’s development and growth. The AAGC will bring out the economic gains for Afr
Both Modi and Hasina will be in power for the next four years and have the historic opportunity to further strengthen bilateral ties for which the Modi visit has contributed in no small measure. The next generation of Bangladeshis and Indians expect no less.
New Delhi is yet to get its defence engagement with Jakarta in shape. Through the decade-long UPA rule, Delhi and Jakarta had been talking about expanding bilateral defence cooperation. But progress had been rather slow thanks to the government's dysfunctional defence policies.