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In a prescient view, when the region and the world were still sizing up the Iranian President-elect Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a Xinhua despatch from Teheran featured by People's Daily in early August reported: "The successful play of the class card and religion card at a critical juncture has brought an unknown mayor to the office of the president.

Modalities of statecraft have abiding relevance. In a celebrated letter to Moghul Emperor Akbar, Shah Abbas the Great commented on a predecessor's misrule and said that "internal diversity of opinions made the foreigner covetous and caused anarchy in the country."

There is no doubt that Iranian security policy is now bent on laying out on the table and publicising its entire gamut of strategic and tactical playing cards for all to see

Now, a lot depends on how the fourth Vienna meeting between Iran and the P5+1 goes and whether or not Iran is able to complete the set of actions it has agreed to under the Framework for Cooperation with the IAEA by the May 15 deadline.

The recently concluded fourth Vienna meeting, between Iran and P5+1, has revealed that Iran and the international community will have to cross the major hurdles for the successful conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear deal.

The unexpected good showing of the conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the former Mayor of Tehran, in the first round of the Iranian Presidental elections held on June 17, 2005, and his emergence in the No.2 position with 19.5 per cent of the valid votes polled as against 21 per cent for the favourite Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani throws open the possibility that in the second

In voting for a moderate President, Iranians have demonstrated their desire to overcome continued political isolation, marked by significant economic deterioration and disappearing democratic accountability. Can Mr. Rouhani overcome challenges and deliver?

Tehran’s bid to redenominate its tumbling rial aims to restore confidence, but without fiscal and structural reform, it risks becoming a cosmetic fix.

Heightened rhetoric about a Western plot, quack remedies and blind faith added to the problem in a nation where senior clerics and politicians have died in the pandemic

As public unrest, economic stress, and succession politics collide, Iran’s revolutionary system is entering its most consequential test since 1979

A decade ago this month, the United States and its British auxiliaries abused international law by invading Iraq. India looked on helplessly then, but is it in a position to affect another unjust invasion, this time directed at Iran?

Last week the curtains came down on the 21st century's first unjust war - the US involvement in Iraq. But worse may follow after the American pullout. The implications for India of further turmoil in the Persian Gulf, particularly Iraq are enormous.

It may not be the story that Paul Bremer or Iyyad Allawi would want to muse over for their grandchildren: ¿I was among the handful there...¿ Yet, that¿s truth about power-transfer in Iraq, America¿s testing-ground for western democracy in the feudalistic Gulf Arab region living in a decadent past.

Police and Army are perceived to be low . The mercenaries of the Iraqi members of the governing council such as Ahmed Chalabi are better paid. The staff of the Iraqi Police and Army were till recently not entitled to the war hazard allowance. A proposal to grant that allowance even to them was under consideration.

The old colonial borders drawn in the Middle East appear headed for a major overhaul and the fresh re-drawing of the map will set out tremors far beyond the region.

As Iraq heads to elections, voters face a choice: preserve the oil-dependent status quo, risk radical reforms, or embrace populist uncertainty.

A fragile peace process between the Turkish state and the outlawed Kurdistan Worker?s Party (PKK) resulted in the first signs of retreat of PKK rebels as they make their way to Iraq?s Kurdish region.

The invasion and occupation of Iraq in March-April 2003 by a 'Coalition of the Willing' led by the United States was the second part of the response to the outrage conducted by a non-state actor on September 11, 2001. This was perceived in Washington as a gift from history, an opportunity to reshape a region of crucial relevance to the politics and economics of the western world. The impulse for drastic action was greater because notwithstanding

India's interests in Iraq and the region should be seen in the larger context of the seven million Indians working in West Asia, of which nearly 18,000 are in Iraq. Safety and security of this population should dominate the Indian policy.

Maj. Gen. Charles H. Swannack Jr., Commander of the US 82nd Airborne Division ( January 6,2004):"We've turned the corner."

The invasion of Iraq by the ¿Coalition of the Willing¿ was supinely endorsed by the UN Security Council in Resolution 1483 of May 22, 2003. It bestowed legitimacy on the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA). Paragraph 8 of the Resolution, and sub-paragraphs (d) and (e), specifically referred to the work of reconstruction that the Secretary General¿s Special Representative was to coordinate with the CPA. One year later

Iraq's Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki led a landmark cabinet meeting in the country's Kurdish region, in an effort to diffuse tensions between Kurds and the central government, a dispute that is the biggest threat to Iraq's stability.

Nineteen US troops and three others were reportedly killed on December 21, 2004, in an attack on an improvised dining hall of an American military base at Mosul in northern Iraq. An organisation called Jaish Ansar al-Sunnah (JAAS) has claimed responsibility for the attack.

India's own satellite-based navigation system, similar to the well-known American Global Positioning System (GPS), is being readied. The first satellite of the seven satellite constellation is scheduled to be launched on July 1 from Sriharikota.

The Mumbai blasts were an act of war against the Indian state; it would be naïve to term it as anything else. It was an act of terror to kill as many Indians as possible. It was an act enabled, to a large measure, by a growing perception among the terrorist groups, especially those operating from Pakistan, that the Indian state was soft and indolent.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's trip to America will show if there is any political energy left in the UPA government for purposeful international engagement. If the answer is in the negative, the rest of the world will simply wait for stronger leadership to re-emerge in Delhi. India might pay a price for the wasted moments, but the ruling party may not much care, having grown rather comfortable with a do-nothing foreign policy.

Hillary Clinton has for the past year been exhorting "Assad to get out of the way". But Assad won't listen. He sits on a system quite as durable as the one Saddam Hussain supervised in neighbouring Iraq. Without the US commitment as in Iraq, Assad cannot be pushed out.

The wide ramparts of Delhi’s historic Red Fort have set the stage for prime ministers to grandstand every year since 1947.

Polarisation over Kashmir and Jadhav, and the rise of rhetoric in India and Pakistan, only serves to feed into the narrative of aggressive nationalism that’s taken centre stage in India’s political discourse.

Going by the Sri Lanka-related events and developments on the global arena, it looks as if the international community has not learnt any lessons from the recent past in and of the country. Be it the Indian neighbour, or the distant Norway, or whoever had attempted to help resolve the ethnic issue, had to give up after a point.

I want to ride my bicycle, I want to ride it where I like . This 35-year old rock hymn from "Queen" might evolve to the protest song of those cyclists in Kolkata who were recently banned to use their own means of transport in any of the city's 174 busiest streets.

In countering India’s efforts to dominate South Asian waters, China may be seeking a grand bargain: allow each side control over their respective littorals – the Bay of Bengal and South China Sea – and the maintenance of respective constabulary presences

While India’s diplomatic and political outreach with West Asia has been a success story over the past decade, the geopolitics of technology has the potential to offer a challenge.

Beijing’s latest gambit is the release of a media report on the development of cruise missiles with artificial intelligence and autonomous capabilities.

It is the unease arising from China's domestic, political and economic considerations at a time of the ascendancy of a new political leadership in Beijing that could contribute to Chinese adventurism and recourse to hyper-nationalism.

Many see China to be practicing a new form of imperialism in Africa as it imports primary goods from Africa and exports manufacturing goods to Africa, without transferring skills to the continent. And China-Africa ties are not free from challenges. There is also immense potential.

In August, a Chinese daily reported that China’s aerospace industry was developing tactical missiles with inbuilt intelligence.

Developing countries owe Beijing a lot more money than is commonly realized. This is how empires start.

China's aggressive postures in the disputed South China Sea regions have not only increased the unease and apprehensions of the affected countries but have also drawn it to the US strategic trap, placing China in a no-win situation.

At a major conference on foreign affairs in Beijing recently, President Xi Jinping called on his colleagues to create a "more enabling environment" for China's development, seeking to distance China from its brash and assertive posture.