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New Delhi seems to be signalling that Bejing’s rise in the Indo-Pacific has to be tackled politically and economically
India has indeed sounded the trumpet of defence diplomacy as part of its engagement with the ASEAN over the last two decades. If Delhi does not help promote a stable balance of power in Southeast Asia now, India's own security challenges in the future could get a lot more daunting.
Russia is now the world’s most heavily sanctioned country, with unprecedented punitive action targeting its energy exports, central bank, and other sectors. Given Russia’s economic resilience amid such economic restrictions and India’s dependence on Russia for its defence and energy requirements, this issue brief highlights the economic rationale for New Delhi to maintain existing trade ties with Moscow despite continued geopolitical pressu
Economic Dependence Will Make New Delhi Forever Vulnerable to Beijing
What Salman Bashir did was a scaled down version of what Musharraf did at the India Today Conclave a year ago in New Delhi and much more scaled down version of his antics at the Agra Summit. It should have been déjà vu.
India, which clung to non-alignment as its international identity since Independence, had little inclination for defence diplomacy. But now New Delhi is slowly moving away from a fastidious avoidance of military partnerships in the past to making security cooperation an important part of India's foreign relations now.
The greatest impact of changing Sino-US relations will be on Asia, a primary theatre of interest for India. Beyond the simultaneous engagement with America and China, Delhi needs to deepen its partnership with its Asian friends and partners and raise India's own profile in the region.
New Delhi has shed its past baggage with the West but Russia’s embrace of China poses a challenge.
While New Delhi is getting more diplomatic support for its position, it is doing little to change the threat Pakistan poses.
A roundtable discussion on the topic "The Impact of High Crude Oil Prices & Challenges in Pricing of Petroleum Products" was organised by Observer Research Foundation at New Delhi on August 14, 2006.
The ongoing India-China face-off in Eastern Ladakh may appear to be a small-scale confrontation between conventional forces. But it is still one between nuclear-armed states, and the threat of escalation cannot be denied. In its wake, India has carried out a series of missile tests, while China too has fired a number of ballistic missiles near the Paracel and Spratly Islands, apparently to warn the US, but hardly something New Delhi can ignore. T
There has been considerable spin from Islamabad as well as New Delhi regarding the results of the visit of the Chinese Prime Minister, Mr.Wen Jiabao, to the two countries. The fact that the Chinese have carefully refrained from joining this race for spin and
The optics around the 2+2 Dialogue in Delhi are defining — the defence ties between the two countries have come of age
New Delhi, having sent a tough message, will hopefully, be working along a coherent policy perspective. Relations with Pakistan are too important to be left hostage to knee-jerk reactions.
As China rises, racing ahead in emerging technologies, there are implications for both Washington and Delhi.
Irrespective of an Afghan- US security pact, India should prepare itself for a scenario where it may have to look after its interests by itself. Kabul and New Delhi should also be looking at developing an understanding through which India can directly and independently engage with Pashtun tribal elders, provincial governors and even regional warlords to protect its investments.
This brief examines the Kashmir conflict from the perspective of the young population who have grown up in tumultuous times in the Valley. It builds on findings of field surveys conducted by the author across the Kashmir Valley over the last two years, covering issues that remain unanswered three decades since the start of the insurgency. These topics include Kashmiriyat, the exodus of pandits, governance and administration, the post-2016 unrest
The terror attack in Pahalgam in April this year, followed by a military standoff with Pakistan, have highlighted a nascent anti-India nexus involving Islamabad, Ankara, and Baku. This emerging geopolitical alignment necessitates a re-evaluation of India's strategic imperatives through the lens of Kautilya's seminal work on statecraft, Arthashastra. This brief argues that India's commitment to security and prosperity (Yogakshema) demands recognis
Without a strong internal capability, New Delhi will be unable to influence the international debates on regulating cyberspace at the UN General Assembly and the International Telecommunications Union. Even more important is India's bilateral engagement with both the US and China on cyber security issues.
Delhi must indeed prepare for the inevitable emergence of China as a full-fledged naval power in the Indian Ocean in the longer term. In the interim, as India seeks to consolidate its natural advantages in the Indian Ocean, France is a compelling naval partner.
New Delhi’s policies towards Israel and Palestine are shifting from mere symbolism towards one driven by substantial outcomes
Strategists in New Delhi would have to factor in that a two front confrontation with Pakistan and China cannot be ruled out. US response in this case is an uncertainty. We need to remember that in the ultimate analysis, China is the resident power and the US is a distant power.
Experts are overlooking the powerful influence of New Delhi and Tokyo.
As new geopolitical and geo-economic realities emerge in the Indo-Pacific, India is now a critical node in the emerging network of variable geometries in the region. There are important opportunities in the evolving dynamic for New Delhi, as new alliances are crafted and new goals enunciated.
Whether New Delhi likes it or not, it is becoming increasingly clear that domestic issues are affecting ties with its neighbors and partners and that the costs of this are increasing.
New Delhi should be confident that Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga is willing to accord primacy to bilateral ties
New Delhi should study the deal to craft a strategy that can keep the interests of Riyadh-led Gulf states aligned with India’s
Rekindling a romance is never easy. However, if the expansive agenda unveiled by Modi and Obama is matched by bureaucratic purposefulness in Delhi and Washington, India and America have a second chance at building a strategic partnership of considerable consequence.
India’s large defence industrial base has historically been dominated by public sector entities, although they have failed in meeting the growing requirements of the armed forces. The public sector suffers from inefficiency in productivity, innovation and international sales, rendering New Delhi highly dependent on arms imports. The government is taking steps to reform the public sector, even as it accords greater importance to the private sect
The trip reinforced both the growing strategic alignment between New Delhi and Jakarta as well as its limits.
Beijing's 'illegal, coercive, aggressive and deceptive' strategy will test New Delhi
New Delhi’s record on this score is more mixed than some of the headlines seem to suggest.
While New Delhi cannot afford to give in to Trump’s outlandish demands, we must recognize the value of the India-US relationship. Much has been invested in it and its potential remains high. A Brics tilt would be foolhardy
Washington and New Delhi must overcome some key differences for the group to succeed.
Speaking recently in New Delhi, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar said the Government was committed to modernise the armed forces, but "that there is a need to exercise financial prudence and optimise all available resources".
While India would be hoping that the reported secret talks between the US and Iran succeeds, avoiding a conflict, New Delhi could take a leaf out of the Chinese and Japanese strategy of reducing its exposure to Iranian oil in return for a waiver from US sanctions.
New Delhi’s decision to import oil from Moscow has disappointed the US and UK, but urging us not to do so as that would help the Russian economy is blatant hypocrisy.
The ‘crown jewel’ of the World Trade Organization (WTO) — the dispute resolution mechanism — is facing a crisis. The US obstruction to new appointments in the WTO’s Appellate Body (AB) has frozen the appeals process and brought the mechanism to a halt. Until such crisis is resolved, New Delhi will need to explore other means for resolving its current and future trade disputes. This paper outlines interim solutions that India can emplo
New Delhi is cognisant of the future viability of the Northern Sea Route, given the further thawing of the Arctic and the prospect of improved relations between Russia and other Arctic states over the long term.
This is a transformative period in the US-India relationship. New Delhi should be more self-confident in its ability to shape the trajectory of this engagement
India need not bite the bait, it can use the space created for pushing its own agenda with China which includes resolving our border dispute, getting the Pakistani monkey off our backs and getting better terms of trade from the Chinese. China is unlikely to yield anything easily, but if the emerging Indo-Pacific geopolitics provides an opportunity, New Delhi would be foolish to look the other way.
The IAF's strikes on the terror camps in Balakot, Muzaffarabad and Chakoti in Pakistan mark a fundamental shift in New Delhi’s approach to its security.
Now, we have single party majority government at the Centre and in Delhi. For both BJP and AAP winning the election was the easy part, relatively. The hard part to fulfill promises, to give least government and maximum governance has just begun.
In recent years, India has become a hot investment destination for Chinese companies. While Chinese investments in India have come under greater scrutiny following the 2020 Galwan incident, this has done little to reverse Chinese enterprises’ strong appetite for the Indian market. At the same time, Beijing is increasingly concerned that in their rush to capitalise on the Indian market, Chinese companies are embracing the ‘Make in India’ pol
After the United States and its allies left Afghanistan in 2021, analysts expected Russia to fill the vacuum caused by the withdrawal. As far as Moscow itself is concerned, it would like to establish full diplomatic ties with the Taliban regime while it urges Western countries to take accountability and fulfil their responsibilities towards the Afghan people. Indeed, Russia’s desire for security and regional hegemony compels it to selectively e
Defence cooperation has acquired a stable momentum, but there are still major challenges that Washington and New Delhi need to address
Despite Trump's curious attempt to take credit where none is due, New Delhi remains in the driving seat when it comes to it making choices pertaining to Pakistan and its malevolent actions.
New Delhi will have to re-examine its equations as the US resets its engagement with the world.
