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Published on Dec 15, 2022
The SIDs need to ensure that they are not viewed as pawns in the geopolitical competition but as important stakeholders in the region.
The Small Island Developing States in IOR: Challenges and opportunities

Introduction

The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) has become pivotal to geopolitics in recent times. The region serves as a connecting hub for global energy and commodity trade and comprises important Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) and major choke points such as the Strait of Malacca. The IOR has become central to the geostrategic aspirations of large powers with vested interests in the region. States such as the United States (US), China, Russia, India, France, the European Union (EU) etc. have started enhancing their engagement in the region by strengthening economic and political relations and demonstrating their maritime prowess. The objectives are mainly to ensure stability and security in the region, freedom of navigation, and that global trade remains uninterrupted. China’s increasing presence in the region, its economic engagement for strategic purposes, and geopolitical aspirations have driven the newfound interest of multiple actors in the IOR. As a result, there has been a surge in strategic rivalry and competition in the IOR. Small Island Developing States (SIDS) located in the Western Indian Ocean such as Maldives, Madagascar, Comoros, Mauritius, and Seychelles, are being dragged into the great power rivalry as a result. The geographical location of these islands is of strategic importance, ever since the Indo-Pacific architecture materialised. The islands provide easy access to the choke points, are located close to important SLOCs, and can serve as a base for the replenishment of resources for maritime powers conducting surveillance in the region. The bigger powers have been engaging with the islands on a larger scale to boost their presence in this maritime expanse. There is a large difference in the ideation of security interests that drives the bigger powers to the SIDS and the security interests of these islands. The SIDS have been advocating at various international forums for support and assistance to combat their challenges associated with resources, development, climate change, and most of all, survival. This paper aims to bring out the challenges of the SIDS, and showcase that the geostrategic rivalry and competition is detrimental to their interests.

The islands provide easy access to the choke points, are located close to important SLOCs, and can serve as a base for the replenishment of resources for maritime powers conducting surveillance in the region.

Challenges and opportunities

The SIDS, by nature, face multiple challenges due to their remote locations, size, fragile ecosystems, small population, and limited resources and capabilities. Most of the SIDS are classified as middle-income states, but SIDS like Comoros are among the Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The economies of these states are not diversified and are highly dependent on a few sectors like tourism and fisheries. Climate change exacerbates their challenges, adding an extra burden on their frail economies. The SIDS account for two-thirds of states that suffer the highest relative losses (1 percent to 9 percent of GDP per year) due to natural disasters. A report prepared by the UNEP in 2014 highlights the impacts of climate change on the SIDS, which have been broadly listed as; rising sea levels, intensification of natural disasters, weather pattern changes and population displacement caused by climate and environmental change. Apart from the threat of the low-lying islands going underwater in the future, rising sea levels directly impact the economic sectors of the SIDS. For instance, saltwater intrusion affects freshwater resources and diminishes the quality of agricultural land. The limited freshwater supplies require the establishment of desalination plants, which are large-scale infrastructure projects, often not feasible on a group of islands that are dispersed in a region. The SIDS are already largely dependent on food imports as 50 percent of the SIDS import more than 80 percent of their food. A further reduction in food production will increase their dependence on food imports.  Self-sufficiency is a distant dream for SIDS in this aspect. Fish exports account for a large share of the revenue for these states. The fishery industry faces challenges of loss of Exclusive Economic Zones due to shifting baselines, and Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing. Additionally, rising sea temperatures also negatively affect marine biomass in the resource-rich zones of SIDS. Almost 50 percent of the GDP of SIDS like the Maldives and Seychelles, depends on the tourism industry which was hampered by the pandemic. This highlights the vulnerability of the islands to external shocks. The IOR has noticed a sharp increase in climate change-induced natural disasters which are likely to intensify in the coming years. The vulnerability of the SIDS increases exponentially when the effects of climate change come into play. Sustainable development and mitigating the challenges posed by climate change are central to the interests of the SIDS.

Islands play a major role in China's maritime security policy, as is evident by its island development strategies in the contested South China Sea and cooperation initiatives with island states in various geographies.

Ensuring food, water, economic and climate security should be guiding factors for interactions with the SIDS. Powers such as the US, Japan, Australia, and India are largely concerned with the increasing influence of China in the region. The main focus of their maritime security policies is freedom of navigation, IUU fishing, piracy and uninterrupted trade flows. Islands play a major role in China's maritime security policy, as is evident by its island development strategies in the contested South China Sea and cooperation initiatives with island states in various geographies. The SIDS have welcomed the development and support initiatives from China owing to their vulnerabilities. From a port development project in Madagascar and major infrastructure development projects in the Comoros islands to a Free Trade Agreement with Mauritius and development assistance to Maldives; China has firmly embedded its roots in the region. When Maldives owed a debt of nearly US$1.5 billion to China in 2018, it had to turn to its traditional partner, India, for assistance to prevent an economic crisis. Madagascar is also heavily surrounded by Chinese presence and involvement in its economy and is worried about being trapped in debt. Chinese-funded enterprises comprise 90 percent of the island’s economy. Chinese migrants left very few job opportunities for the locals, disrupted trade and commerce, and established a monopoly of Chinese products in the market. Such a heavy involvement of China in Madagascar puts it at a high risk of instability and political upheaval. This is a clear example of how the strategic interests of large powers can bring the SIDS to the brink of collapse. It is necessary for the interests of all stakeholders in the IOR to align, and to pursue collective interests of security and stability in the region. The SIDS are already very active in advocacy for climate change and development assistance. There are several forums that have emerged in the recent past that have provided significant space to the SIDS of all geographies such as the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action (SAMOA) Pathway which is an international framework under the UN umbrella that has initiated a stronger action from the international community to support the vulnerable islands. It guides national, regional, and international development efforts to help these states achieve their Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Similarly, the Alliance of Small Island States is a representative body of 39 small island states that provides a platform to voice their grievances. The Indian Ocean Commission is yet another intergovernmental body that consists of the islands; Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Seychelles and Réunion (French overseas region). These forums can be utilised to discuss the effects of geopolitical tensions on their own stability and sustainable development, and engage with other stakeholders in the region. Through this engagement, the SIDS should make use of the opportunity to ensure that the larger powers understand their security interests and include it in the larger security architecture. 

The SIDS of the IOR can leverage their strategic position and use it to their advantage to make the larger powers acknowledge their security interests and issues.

Conclusion

In most cases, decisions regarding security in the region have been taken by the influential, and larger powers without the SIDS. The SIDS of the IOR can leverage their strategic position and use it to their advantage to make the larger powers acknowledge their security interests and issues. The need of the hour is for stronger alliances and regional groupings to emerge, with significant participation of the SIDS, so that other actors do not downplay or overlook their issues and interests On the other hand, the SIDS of this region must strengthen their collaboration with each other. They must make a collective effort to make their challenges and issues known to the other actors. Rather than being viewed as pawns in the geopolitical competition, the SIDS must be viewed as important stakeholders in the region. This is the main change in the mindset, policies and approaches that are needed f0r a secure and stable region.
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