As Haiti faces increasingly brutal gang violence, corruption and a food crisis, American policy must focus on consciously engaging with its Caribbean neighbour.
Image Source: Getty
Haiti remains trapped in an unending vicious cycle of violence, with sounds of gunfire echoing daily through its capital, Port-au-Prince. It has long endured political and social instability, but recent escalations in violence have shocked even those accustomed to it. In one of the deadliest massacres in recent memory, the Gran Grif gang murdered 115 people, including children, in Pont-Sondé. This group is only one of several armed gangs rampant in the country, using extortion, gang rapes, and kidnappings as weapons to subdue the population.
With these gangs controlling nearly 80 percent of the capital, civilians face the disastrous effects of living in a perpetual state of turmoil, fear, and bloodshed. Haitians are facing the worst humanitarian and food crisis in the Western Hemisphere. Despite efforts from the Haitian police or interim governments, massive corruption, limited resources, and minimal influence over the powerful gangs continue to undermine peace efforts. Gang violence in Haiti has surpassed mere anarchy, allegedly fuelled by government members and factions, as well as private interests financing these gangs and facilitating arms circulation. Earlier this year, the leader of Karze Baryé, one of roughly 200 gangs in the country, flaunted his arms and influence in a CNN interview outside the United States (US) Embassy, emphasising the presence of armed groups near diplomatic facilities. Like in other Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) countries, state power in Haiti is eroded by corruption, allowing non-state actors to thrive through porous borders and exploit vulnerable populations. This situation also draws comparisons to the symbiotic relationship between the state and drug cartels in Colombia and Mexico.
Gang violence in Haiti has surpassed mere anarchy, allegedly fuelled by government members and factions, as well as private interests financing these gangs and facilitating arms circulation.
The escalating violence has attracted international attention, leading to the deployment of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC)-backed Kenya-led Multinational Security Support Mission (MSSM). Originally aimed at bolstering local security forces, the UN continues to urge for increased support due to underfunding and a shortage of adequate personnel. The US has pledged over US$300 million in humanitarian aid, joining several other nations in a show of support.
The regional consequences of Haiti’s instability extend beyond the nearly 700,000 Haitians displaced or fleeing from the violence. On one hand, the Dominican Republic bears a lot of the migration burden, with almost 500,000 Haitians having fled to the country. In spite of its geographical proximity, the Dominican administration announced its plans to deport 10,000 Haitian migrants weekly, adding to the 250,000 already expelled in 2023. This mass expulsion leaves thousands with nowhere to go, often forcing them to go back to the deprived environment they fled in the first place.
On the other hand, the ‘American dream’ leads thousands of migrants to undertake harsh journeys through Mexico and Central America to the southern US border. For years, Haitians have sought refuge in the US, and as election season ramps up, Haitian migration is once again a pinpoint of current American political discourse. Over the last few years, Haitian immigrants have established communities in Florida and particularly in Springfield, Ohio due to the low living costs and an uptick in industrial jobs.
The ‘American dream’ leads thousands of migrants to undertake harsh journeys through Mexico and Central America to the southern US border.
Haiti, the world’s first black republic, has long faced racism, a reality embedded in the lives of Haitians across LAC. These challenges persist even in the US, particularly exacerbated when the incoming president Donald Trump claimed that Haitians had been eating the pets of Springfield residents. In a world that is chronically online, the former president’s allegation not only incited anti-immigrant sentiments against Haitian migrants but also impacted the Springfield community at large.
America has often oscillated between providing support for Haiti and treating it as a geopolitical issue as opposed to a humanitarian one. While the Biden administration has frequently pledged financial support for the Haitian population’s plight, policy measures fall short of addressing the root causes of the crisis—poverty, corruption, and gang dominance. The Biden administration has also been criticised for balancing humanitarian commitments with pressures from the opposition to curb illegal immigration. With Haitian migrants being granted Temporary Protected Status (TPS), asylum or humanitarian parole, Springfield, Ohio has become home to nearly 15,000 immigrants. As more Haitians seek safety in the US, challenges around housing, jobs and local services may impact these communities directly.
Additionally, even though Washington has sent financial aid throughout this time of crisis in Haiti, the Biden administration refuses to send boots on the ground for the Kenya-led MSSM. Biden cited American interventionist history to show how intervention in the LAC region could be perceived. As bipartisan tension grows under the current US government, the debate over how to address the migrant influx remains contentious. Democratic legislators generally support a humanitarian-centred approach that would offer protection to Haitians seeking asylum, while more conservative voices advocate for heightened domestic security and immigration control. Nonetheless, stakes are high for US-Haiti relations, since allowing Haiti to collapse will effectively drive more migration to the US.
Democratic legislators generally support a humanitarian-centred approach that would offer protection to Haitians seeking asylum, while more conservative voices advocate for heightened domestic security and immigration control.
After years of convenient engagement with Haiti, the US must now decide to either continue its lacking measures or consciously engage with Haiti to promote long-term stability and integration. With the upcoming Trump administration, American leaders face a pressing question: How will the next administration address this humanitarian crisis just 700 miles from its shores? Already, there is a feeling in the Haitian community that Trump may be ‘coming’ for them due to his campaign’s ire directed at the Haitian community in Springfield, Ohio. Under a constant fear that Trump might end their TPS, a substantial part of the population is already fleeing amidst fear of deportation. A key decision will be whether the Trump administration decides to continue the policing mission which is UN-backed but funded by the US. In controlling illegal immigration from Central American countries including Haiti, the Trump administration needs to have a two-pronged approach. Although Trump’s strongest impulse will be to solve the issue through internal actions such as deportation alone, without external action, such as continuing funding to the UN-backed security framework, stopping illegal immigration will be difficult. The Trump administration’s external actions could be complicated by America’s relationship with other key states that are impacted under Trump’s second term, especially because of their criticality to the migration route to the southern border of the US.
Ria Nair is a Research Intern at the Observer Research Foundation.
Vivek Mishra is Deputy Director and Fellow with the Strategic Studies Programme at the Observer Research Foundation.
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Vivek Mishra is Deputy Director – Strategic Studies Programme at the Observer Research Foundation. His work focuses on US foreign policy, domestic politics in the US, ...
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