Six Key Takeaways from Trump’s New National Security Strategy

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On Friday, December 5, after almost a year in office, the Trump administration finally released its much-anticipated National Security Strategy (NSS). Compared to the first-term NSS issued in December 2017, the new document is noticeably shorter (29 pages vs. 55 pages) and far more focused on MAGA-oriented, “America First” priorities that significantly narrow the scope of what the US defines as its core national interests. Trump and his team make a deliberate effort to eschew the broad scope of previous NSS documents, both his own and those of earlier administrations. Instead, they zero in on a narrower set of core interests that they argue will ultimately “ensure America remains the greatest and most successful nation in human history, and the home of freedom on earth.” Here are the most notable parts:

A Turn Toward Restraint?

The NSS argues that since the end of the Cold War, “American foreign policy elites convinced themselves that permanent American domination of the entire world was in the best interests of our country.” Additionally, that “elites badly miscalculated America’s willingness to shoulder forever global burdens to which the American people saw no connection to national interest.” Although the document also says it is “realistic without being realist” and restrained without being “dovish,” the recognition that the US must narrow its definition of vital interests is a core tenet of the restraint-oriented foreign policy crowd. However, given decisions such as US strikes on so-called drug boats in the Caribbean and the bombing of Iran’s nuclear enrichment sites, it seems there might be a disconnect between the stated policy of restraint and actual policy decisions thus far.

Culture Wars as National Security

One of the key differences between this NSS and Trump’s first NSS is the emergence of so-called culture wars and the perceived erosion of “traditional” American values as threats to US national security. This NSS highlights the importance of “restoring” and “reinvigorating” America’s spiritual and cultural health, and supporting “traditional families that raise healthy children.” This focus on traditionalism, which has become increasingly central among the younger Vancist new-right wing of the MAGA movement, now features prominently across the broader MAGA agenda. References to threats such as “destructive propaganda,” “influence operations,” and “DEI,” while not explicitly partisan, implicitly reflect the belief that the Democratic Party contributes to what they view as the degradation of America’s cultural foundations.

If the rebalance to Asia defined Presidents Obama and Biden—and even Trump’s first term to a certain extent—the rebalance to the Western Hemisphere will define President Trump’s second term.

The Western Hemisphere as the Top Priority

If the rebalance to Asia defined Presidents Obama and Biden—and even Trump’s first term to a certain extent—the rebalance to the Western Hemisphere will define President Trump’s second term. The Western Hemisphere emerges in this NSS as the top regional priority, whereas in Trump’s first NSS, it was number five of six. The NSS states that the US will reassert and enforce the Monroe Doctrine and restore America’s preeminence in the Western hemisphere. The Monroe Doctrine, for those who may be unfamiliar, dates back to 1823, when then-president James Monroe warned European powers not to interfere in Western Hemisphere affairs. This NSS refers to the “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine and focuses on enlisting friends in the region to control immigration and stop drug flows, and expand US influence by strengthening existing partnerships and cultivating new ones. The NSS even highlights a so-called readjustment of global US military presence to address urgent threats in the Western Hemisphere, a declaration that would’ve been near unthinkable in previous NSS iterations. While most of the focus is, of course, on countering immigration and drugs, China is to the 2025 Trump Corollary what Europe was to the original Monroe Doctrine. In that sense, the US will seek to strengthen economic partnerships throughout the region to make America the partner of “first choice.”

Priorities for the Indo-Pacific

Second on the NSS list of regional priorities lies the Indo-Pacific region. With China as the United States’ principal economic security priority, the NSS focuses on Beijing’s exports of cheap goods and its taking advantage of the US in terms of reciprocity and fairness. It highlights the importance of countering predatory state-directed subsidies, unfair trading practices, intellectual property theft, threats to supply chains, exports of fentanyl precursors, and influence operations. The NSS also underscores the imperative of preventing large-scale military conflict in the Indo-Pacific. It stresses the importance of partners in the region shouldering more of the burden for collective defence, and of First Island Chain partners allowing the US greater access to ports and other facilities. Also on the list is the salience of freedom of navigation. Finally, the NSS highlights that Trump supports no unilateral change to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait and maintains America’s long-standing “declaratory policy” on Taiwan. This should come as a relief to those who may be worried about Trump abandoning Taiwan in a scenario where it is threatened by China.

The only mentions of NATO in the Europe section are notably unrelated to defence spending; they’re related to the perceived threat that some NATO members are becoming majority non-European, which the NSS argues means they may not view the NATO charter in the same way as when it was originally signed.

Europe on its Own

Two primary issues stood out in the Europe section of the NSS. First, Trump draws a direct parallel between the perception that Europe is being “civilizationally erased” by mass migration and the view that it is being undermined by the European Union in terms of “political liberty and sovereignty.” Additionally, “censorship of free speech,” “suppression of political opposition,” and “loss of national identities and self-confidence” are, in Trump’s view, leading to a Europe that will be “unrecognizable” in 20 years. The NSS argues that this supposed lack of self-confidence has directly affected Europe’s strategic stability vis-à-vis Russia. Again, the NSS points to cultural issues not just in the US but also in Europe as threats to national security. Second, the only mentions of NATO in the Europe section are notably unrelated to defence spending; they’re related to the perceived threat that some NATO members are becoming majority non-European, which the NSS argues means they may not view the NATO charter in the same way as when it was originally signed. There is also a focus on ending the perception—and “preventing the reality”—of NATO as a perpetually expanding alliance. It appears to imply support for a “closed-door” NATO policy going forward.

Trump again claims credit for fostering peace between India and Pakistan, a statement he has made before, and one that has become a point of tension between him and Modi since the most recent India-Pakistan standoff in May.

Where’s India?

India appears several times in the NSS, though usually as part of broader strategic priorities. Trump again claims credit for fostering peace between India and Pakistan, a statement he has made before, and one that has become a point of tension between him and Modi since the most recent India-Pakistan standoff in May. The NSS also refers to India as a potential partner to help cement positions in the Western hemisphere and with regard to critical minerals in Africa, and notes the need to improve relations with New Delhi so that it is encouraged to contribute to Indo-Pacific security through the Quad framework. For those worried that the Quad has been drifting, this may be a positive signal. Still, significant work remains if the Trump administration intends to elevate the Quad to the level of strategic importance the grouping merits.

Rachel Rizzo is a Senior Fellow with the Strategic Studies Programme at the Observer Research Foundation.

• International Affairs
• China
• USA and Canada
• America First National Security Strategy
• cultural security
• Indo-Pacific competition with China
• Western Hemisphere dominance

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