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The banned Popular Front of India (PFI) is quietly reviving through its political wing, the SDPI, expanding its cadre and outreach across multiple states
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In a significant development in early March this year, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) arrested Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) national president M.K. Faizy on money laundering charges in connection with the case against the proscribed outfit Popular Front of India (PFI). SDPI is a political front of the PFI, and Faizy, who was a PFI member till 2009 and joined SDPI as general secretary the same year, has been its national president since 2018. Intrinsically linked to PFI, the SDPI is not merely a political front of the former but also serves as an organisational conduit for the continuation of radical Islamic activities of ex-PFI cadres after the ban on the outfit.
The ED has indicated that as the national president, Faizy exercised authority over the activities of SDPI, which is a recipient, beneficiary, and user of proceeds of crime, i.e. funds raised by PFI within and outside India as a part of a larger criminal conspiracy. The ED has alleged that Faizy knew fully well that PFI is engaged in a deep-rooted criminal conspiracy to raise and use such funds towards various unlawful, violent, and terrorist activities in India. In this regard, the alleged proceeds of crime quantified by the ED till date stand at INR 4.07 crore. Following Faizy’s arrest, the ED conducted searches at 12 locations across 10 states in connection with the case against the PFI. The agency has found that the outfit received more than INR 62 crore into its 29 accounts between May 2009 and May 2022, with more than half the amount deposited in cash. The outfit had thousands of active members in Gulf countries, through whom it raised significant funds.
The ED has alleged that Faizy knew fully well that PFI is engaged in a deep-rooted criminal conspiracy to raise and use such funds towards various unlawful, violent, and terrorist activities in India. In this regard, the alleged proceeds of crime quantified by the ED till date stand at INR 4.07 crore.
Investigations so far have established that the PFI controlled, funded and supervised the activities of the SDPI; that the SDPI is a front of the PFI having common cadres and leaders; that the SDPI was dependent on the PFI for its day-to-day functions, policy making, selecting candidates for election campaigns, public programmes, cadre mobilisation and other related activities. According to the investigating agencies, ex-PFI cadres are migrating to the SDPI to carry on their activities. After the ban on the PFI, the SDPI has been trying to expand its presence. This is indicative of the banned outfit regrouping under the banner of SDPI and other affiliates. Thus, any increase in SDPI’s activities will boost the morale of ex-PFI cadres.
There has recently been an uptick in the activities of the SDPI, especially in the southern states and in Maharashtra. Police sources have indicated that the SDPI has launched a new youth wing to accommodate erstwhile PFI cadres. The SDPI and its affiliates have allegedly been “exploiting the Palestine issue” to expand their presence and for recruitment. In the last few weeks, the SDPI has also been aggressively mobilising support against the Waqf Amendment Act and has alleged that the ED’s action was the outcome of the strong protest being raised by the party against the Waqf Amendment Bill.
The SDPI is working to broaden its membership campaign to expand its presence, which has been noted in over 10 states. The newly formed youth wing of the SDPI is gradually forming units in states like Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, in addition to Kerala and Maharashtra. It is believed that this new youth wing of the SDPI is part of a strategy to enable ex-PFI cadres to continue their radical activities.
The newly formed youth wing of the SDPI is gradually forming units in states like Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, in addition to Kerala and Maharashtra.
Notwithstanding its poor performance in recent elections, the SDPI continues to mobilise support to contest forthcoming elections, serving as another avenue for the party to disseminate its ideology and gain legitimacy. During the SDPI National Committee meeting held in August 2024, it was decided to initiate their election campaign for the upcoming State Legislative Assemblies for the next 10-year period. In an ambitious plan, the SDPI has decided to choose one Assembly constituency in each district throughout the country to field its candidates. In its stronghold Kerala, the SDPI State committee has directed its district committees to propose three such constituencies from each district for the Assembly elections due in 2031 (the next Assembly election is in 2026). On the national level, where it has not achieved any success so far, the SDPI is trying to bolster its membership in local bodies. Currently, the SDPI has 103 elected local body members across the country.
While the PFI continues to legally challenge its proscription, several of its leaders/cadres arrested after the ban have been granted bail. For instance, the Bombay High Court on March 28 granted bail to advocate Shaikh Sadique Isaq Qureshi, who was arrested by the ATS on allegations of being a member of the banned outfit. Further, the Kerala High Court on April 2 granted bail to 10 accused PFI members in the 2022 murder case of RSS leader Srinivasan in the state’s Palakkad district. Overall, of the 500 PFI cadres arrested in the 19 cases filed by the National Investigation Agency (NIA), over half have been granted bail. A majority of those who secured bail are from Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, and the bail granted to them has raised the hopes of incarcerated cadres in other states. The PFI’s remnant leadership will be upbeat, as some bail orders can be cited as precedents in other cases. In the absence of digital evidence, it has been difficult to convince the courts of the arrested cadres’ PFI membership.
More than two and a half years since the PFI was proscribed (September 28, 2022), there are indications that the outfit is cautiously regrouping. Former PFI cadres and the remnant leadership, after an initial phase of inactivity, have slowly resumed their activities under the banner of the SDPI or under the aegis of several front organisations (largely based in southern states). Some cadres have joined other radical Islamic organisations, including the ideologically proximate Wahadat-e-Islami (WeI)—a front of the proscribed Students Islamic Movement of India, or SIMI.
It is understood that the PFI’s strategy is to have a disaggregated structure since a front with the same name in all states would invite action by security agencies.
While organised activity is not possible due to the ban, inputs suggest ex-PFI cadres are regrouping in mosques, social gatherings and on online platforms. In Kerala and other states where the outfit has a presence, former cadres have formed front organisations to prevent attrition and to recruit vulnerable youth. It is understood that the PFI’s strategy is to have a disaggregated structure since a front with the same name in all states would invite action by security agencies. Forming fronts under innocuous names was a strategy previously adopted by the PFI’s precursor entity, SIMI, after it was banned in September 2001.
Ex-PFI cadres have begun holding underground meetings towards resuming covert activity on a limited scale. After the ban, PFI leaders and cadres have engaged in socio-political activities and welfare works to make their presence felt in the public domain. While funding has been adversely affected due to the proscription, efforts are underway to raise funds through its external fronts based in the Gulf region. In cyberspace, ex-PFI cadres are using alternative online platforms and encrypted messaging apps for communication and dissemination of ideology.
Police sources have also suggested that a second-rung alternate leadership may be slowly emerging within the PFI in its stronghold, Kerala. The state remains the hub of PFI’s activities, where the outfit has formed a large number of front organisations in order to remain active. Ex-PFI leaders are also establishing links with functionaries of mosque committees and madrassas to gain their support. Social media groups linked to ex-PFI cadres in Kerala continue to propagate their ideology.
The state remains the hub of PFI’s activities, where the outfit has formed a large number of front organisations in order to remain active.
Next to Kerala, West Bengal is gradually becoming a focal point for PFI activities, especially the Murshidabad district, where there is a sizeable cadre strength. It is assessed that in parts of West Bengal, PFI activity is largely unhindered due to local conditions. In Tamil Nadu, former PFI cadres have been trying to regroup in parts of the Coimbatore, Salem, Erode, Theni, Ramanathapuram, Madurai and Tirunelveli districts. In Assam, ex-PFI cadres have been trying to motivate youth by citing the example of the Hamas militia challenging a major power like Israel. Outside India, the PFI/SDPI and its affiliates are keeping a low profile after the proscription, although there are efforts to regroup under new banners and hold meetings to propagate their ideology and indulge in anti-India activities.
More than two and a half years after the PFI was proscribed, the outfit is in revival mode, albeit incrementally and very cautiously. Many ex-PFI cadres have joined the SDPI and other fronts to continue their radical activities. The granting of bail to many arrested PFI cadres can undermine the proscription in the long run. Any revival of PFI activities in the Gulf region can lead to further exposure of the Indian Muslim diaspora to Salafism and, more significantly, help the outfit, which is facing a serious funding crunch, to raise finances. The PFI/SDPI are likely to explore opportunities for revival in certain parts of South India and West Bengal. Continued resolute action by the agencies, especially against the SDPI, can, however, block the PFI’s revival.
Kanchan Lakshman is a Delhi-based security analyst. His areas of specialisation include terrorism, radicalisation, left-wing extremism, and internal security.
The views expressed above belong to the author(s). ORF research and analyses now available on Telegram! Click here to access our curated content — blogs, longforms and interviews.
Kanchan Lakshman is a Delhi-based security analyst. His area of specialisation includes terrorism, radicalisation, Left Wing Extremism & internal security. ...
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