Denied for decades, the Kurds are now central to reshaping West Asia’s political future—through peace initiatives, pluralism, and strategic partnerships.
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In 11 short spring days this year, the Kurds demonstrated that they can be counted among the central players in West Asia today. Notably, the 'Call for Peace and a Democratic Society' by Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan on 27 February 2025, along with the memorandum-of-understanding (MoU) signed by the Kurdish commander Mazloum Abdi with the Syrian interim government on 10 March 2025, represent important rays of hope in a region characterised by war and instability. This is not only significant against the backdrop of perpetual war and crisis rhetoric, but also within the context of a 100-year-old policy of denial and genocide against over 50 million Kurds. The call made by Öcalan and its influence on Syria reflect the fundamental changes underway in the region. It is therefore important to understand how the Kurds in Türkiye, Syria, Iraq, and Iran have succeeded in evolving from a position of enforced invisibility into a sought-after partner for a growing number of international and regional actors.
For West Asia, the First World War brought a far-reaching loss of regional power, enabling the imposition of British and French hegemonic designs. The Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916), the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), and the Treaty of Lausanne (1923) were key milestones in the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire into more than a dozen nation-states. Traditional Ottoman-Turkish claims to power became largely confined to Anatolia and the northern part of Kurdistan, while the Arab world was fragmented into a mosaic of micro-states. In the new West Asian order, Iran retained a geographically unified space but was politically circumscribed. Turks, Arabs, and Persians—three historically central players—thus found a place in 20th-century West Asia, albeit one shaped rigorously by Franco-British interests.
Traditional Ottoman-Turkish claims to power became largely confined to Anatolia and the northern part of Kurdistan, while the Arab world was fragmented into a mosaic of micro-states.
However, the Kurds were not only denied official status; their homeland was partitioned among Türkiye, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. In this restructured regional order, the Kurds were weaponised as a means of pressure for international powers to keep the newly created Turkish, Arab, and Persian nation-states under control.
The feudal and tribal structure of the Kurdish society in the early 20th century hindered national unity and made them susceptible to the divide-and-rule tactics of colonial powers. Yet, these same features also underpinned a staunch resistance against the lack of status and genocide. The Republic of Türkiye—playing a central role in the implementation/execution of European interests in the new West Asia—was the first to face Kurdish resistance. The Sheikh Said Uprising (1925), the Agri Uprising (1926, 1927, 1930), and the Dersim Uprising (1937/1938) in the Kurdish regions of the newly established Turkey are among the most important examples of the virtually uninterrupted Kurdish revolt against the then newly established status quo. Türkiye responded with brutal military operations, collective punishment of the Kurdish population through systematic deportation, and the execution of their social leaders. Silence was enforced for several decades, while the problem of denial and disenfranchisement of the Kurds persisted. Similar policy patterns emerged in Iraq, Syria, and Iran, which created the constant potential for new Kurdish uprisings there.
Despite a century of systemic war, expulsion, and assimilation, the Kurdish people have remained an enduring force in the political and cultural dynamics of West Asia. This resilience is rooted in the Kurds’ long-standing cultural, political and economic significance in the region. Therefore, an understanding of their historical self-perception is key to interpreting the current role and ambitions of the Kurdish people.
The Kurds trace their cultural roots to the agricultural revolution in Upper Mesopotamia around 12,000 years ago. Neolithic achievements—such as agriculture, animal husbandry, village culture, and a matriarchal social order remain characteristic of Kurdish culture today. Kurdistan’s mountainous terrain provided not only fertile soil and sufficient water sources but also strategic places to retreat to in the event of attacks by foreign powers. Due to its central position along important trade routes, rich natural resources, and a geostrategic posture, Kurdistan has been the scene of numerous wars by foreign powers. Five thousand years ago, the Sumerians were already aware of the Kurds, referring to them as 'Kurti' or 'people in the mountains.' The term ‘Kurdistan’ was in use as early as the Seljuk era, around 1000 years ago. Due to their close relations with other peoples and religious groups in West Asia, the Kurds have always played a central role in the region. In Kurdistan itself, Armenians, Assyrians, Turkmen or Arabs can be found alongside Kurds, while Christian, Sunni, Shiite, Ezidi, Alewite or Jewish faith groups are also at home there. Kurds have always maintained largely peaceful relations with neighbouring Turkish, Persian or Arab societies.
Due to its central position along important trade routes, rich natural resources, and a geostrategic posture, Kurdistan has been the scene of numerous wars by foreign powers.
The post-WWI policy of Kurdish denial and persecution/genocide laid a foundation for the destabilisation of the entire region, with the Republic of Türkiye playing a leading role in this effort. Especially following its North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) accession in 1952, Türkiye increasingly opened up to the West by using its geostrategic importance as leverage. It misused its NATO membership to gain international support for the fight against perceived opponents, especially the Kurdish population. Kurdish demands for political and cultural rights were often framed as threats to global stability and security, thus blocking the Kurds’ access to international politics. However, since the 1970s, the Kurds have made substantial progress in raising awareness about their social, cultural, and political significance in West Asia, both regionally and internationally. Since then, several events—notably the founding of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) by Abdullah Öcalan in 1978—have catalysed widespread political consciousness, especially among Kurdish women. These developments have also contributed to a dramatic transformation in the Kurdish self-image and its international perception. Most recently, the successful fight by the Kurdish self-defence forces against the Islamic State (IS) in Syria and Iraq contributed significantly to this positive change.
The first signs of a new role for the Kurds became apparent in Iraq during the 1990s and early 2000s. Since then, Kurds in Türkiye and Syria have increasingly positioned themselves as key actors in the reorganisation of West Asia. Following the ‘Arab Spring’, the Syrian Kurds established an inclusive political system—the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES)—in cooperation with other ethnic and religious groups.
The 7 October 2023 Hamas attack significantly altered the political balance of the region. Actors such as Iran and Russia have seen their influence diminish considerably, while Türkiye’s Islamist proxy alliances have come under growing pressure. Meanwhile, regional initiatives such as the Abraham Accords and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) have curtailed Türkiye’s economic and geopolitical clout. Türkiye today recognises the geopolitical shifts in West Asia and has therefore recently taken steps to reorient its regional policy, for instance, its relations with the Kurdish people. The aforementioned call of Abdullah Öcalan and the initiative of Mazloum Abdi can be understood in this context.
Öcalan called on the PKK to disband and lay down its arms, and at the same time demanded that the Turkish state initiate an urgently needed democratisation process through political and legal reforms.
After 26 years of imprisonment on the Turkish prison island of Imrali, Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan went public with a call at the end of February, laying the foundation for a political solution to the Kurdish question in Türkiye. Öcalan called on the PKK to disband and lay down its arms, and at the same time demanded that the Turkish state initiate an urgently needed democratisation process through political and legal reforms. This courageous political initiative succeeded in presenting a realistic peace alternative to the Turkish war against the Kurdish population in Türkiye, Iraq, and Syria, which has been escalating since 2015. For months now, there have consequently been intensive discussions in Türkiyeabout a new democratic constitution, the release of Abdullah Öcalan and thousands of other political prisoners, and an end to the military campaigns against the Kurds.
In Syria, the Kurds—as the leading force in the DAANES and its self-defence force, Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)—are now central to the country’s unity, stabilisation, and democratisation. The MoU signed at the beginning of March looks increasingly like the most realistic basis for an inclusive political process in the country after the fall of the Assad government. Neither the new rulers in Damascus nor the numerous external actors, such as Türkiye, are in a position to bring about a sustainable reorganisation of the country. The prudent, inclusive, and peaceful political style of the DAANES is consequently essential for the country. It has thus become the main interlocutor for all Syrian, regional, and international stakeholders aiming to prevent further fragmentation and war. Today, not only Turkey and Syria, but all of West Asia is undergoing a reorganisation process. The Kurds are aware of their role as one of the central actors in this context. Based on their deep-rooted historical identity/self-understanding, democratic aspirations, and strong political organisation, the Kurds are ready to take their place in a stable, democratic, and prosperous West Asia. They remain open to engaging with all regional and international actors committed to building a democratic regional order.
Nilüfer Koç is a Member of the Executive Council of the Kurdistan National Congress (KNK)
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Nilüfer Koç was born on March 10, 1969, in Ardahan, northern Kurdistan (Turkey). She came to Germany in 1976 and studied political science there at ...
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