Expert Speak Raisina Debates
Published on Aug 05, 2022
While the Junta has stated that no further executions will take place, one cannot assume anything for now.
Extended state of emergency in Myanmar: No glimmer of hope The announcement of the execution of the four pro-democracy members on 25 July 2022 came as a shock to the entire world. The astonishment was mostly because there was hope that the Junta will not act on the verdict of death by execution due to constant international and regional pressure, and will stick to life imprisonment which has been the common ruling for the past few decades. However, the hanging has unleashed a chain of events that does not supposedly bode well for the Junta themselves. On 23 July, prominent pro-democracy activists and lawmakers Ko Jimmy and Ko Phyo Zeya Thaw were hanged along with Ko Aung Thura Zaw and Ko Hla Myo Aung, accused of instigating and being at the forefront of the anti-regime armed struggles. They were arrested eight months prior to their unceremonious deaths and were not subjected to a fair trial. The mistreatment of the families of those hanged was appalling. It has been a practice of the Junta in its earlier executions that the families are never informed prior to committing the act. Even in this case, before the families spoke to their loved ones on Friday i.e. 22 July, they were not informed that this will be their last communication. The hanging took place on the following day and the information was circulated through military-controlled newspapers as a supposed threat and future warning to others on Monday.

Justification of the act

The Junta did not stop here but to validate its action, it gave a speech, especially harping on the part that these particular prisoners deserved ‘many death sentences’ due to their actions against the military regime. Subsequently, the bodies of the victims were not returned to the families and they were asked not to hold any last rites. As a new low, the pro-Junta brutes have flung gravel at the late activists’ residences to censure them since the latter interacted with the media and stated that they were proud of the contributions of their brothers, husbands, or fathers and considered them martyrs. Appallingly, the mother of Ko Aung Thura Zaw has been detained and interrogated for speaking to the media and her whereabouts remain unknown.

The mistreatment of the families of those hanged was appalling. It has been a practice of the Junta in its earlier executions that the families are never informed prior to committing the act.

Furthermore, the pro-Junta audience went ahead and staged rallies to show their support for the executionsan old ploy of the present regime to show solidarity, no matter what discontentment or abhorrence they may experience from within and outside the nation. While the Junta has stated that no further executions will take place, one cannot assume anything for now.

Extended state of emergency

Following this, on 1 August, the SAC declared that the state of emergency in Myanmar will be extended for another six months since the nation continues to be plagued with instability from the others (‘terrorists’ who are fighting against them). The military on a sincere note maintains that it continues to support and uphold the genuine multi-party democratic system that the people of Myanmar so desire but the democracy will be a disciplined one, controlled by the current administration. The Junta, in this regard, is planning to amend the Political Parties Registration Law to ensure that election results are not tilted towards any one particular party and landslide victories, as the ones witnessed in 2015 and 2020 may be impossible. The amendment will surely exclude or restrict the pro-democracy parties’ participation and will lead to a rigged system where the balance of power continues to be tilted towards the military regime in a more absolute manner that will rule the people of Myanmar in the future.

The military on a sincere note maintains that it continues to support and uphold the genuine multi-party democratic system that the people of Myanmar so desire but the democracy will be a disciplined one, controlled by the current administration. 

Thus, the military is aiming to become the complete controller of the nation whereby this time, no other party or institution can undermine or topple it. In this regard, the execution seemed to be planned for two reasons. One, the executions have been a statement in itself that the Junta will act according to its own perception of the balance of justice and power. No amount of international or regional weight can navigate or influence its decision. Second, the generals may have planned that executing renowned pro-democracy activists will instil fear that will help reduce movements that have made the functioning of the new government difficult. On the contrary, the current move has bolstered people and ethnic groups to heighten efforts to end military rule.

Growing movements

Ethnic armed organisations like the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army and Arakan Army have condemned that act and have warned of repercussions. The Karen National Union, Karenni National Progressive Party, Chin National Front, and All Burma Students’ Democratic Front released a statement with the National Unity Government (NUG), Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw and National League for Democracy (NLD), expressing anger. The Kachin Political Interim Coordination Team, including the Kachin Independent Organization and Chinland Joint Defence Committee of 18 Chin armed forces, condemned the executions and promised war in return. Till 28 May, around 20 military soldiers have been killed and a few police stations have been bombed in retaliation. These numbers are bound to rise. While the home front remains a challenge, the acts of the Junta are leading to its further isolation from the western and regional blocs.

International response

The executions sparked outrage across the globe and provoked Myanmar communities in the US, Canada, and Thailand to stage demonstrations. Foreign ministers of France and Germany have summoned senior embassy diplomats of Myanmar to express their condemnation in person. The UN Security Council members including China and Russia condemned the executions but like before are yet to lay out concrete action plans to regulate the situation.

The Kachin Political Interim Coordination Team, including the Kachin Independent Organization and Chinland Joint Defence Committee of 18 Chin armed forces, condemned the executions and promised war in return.

Cambodia, the current chair of the regional body ASEAN, which till recently had been supporting the Junta and projecting that the nation will act and eventually adhere to the 5-point consensus, has been thrown off track. After the execution, the chair has shown its complete displeasure. Prime Minister of Cambodia Hun Sen has expressed deep regret and termed  the actions “highly reprehensible, as it created a setback to and presented a gross lack of will to support the efforts, particularly by the ASEAN Chair, in expediting progress on the implementation of the Five-Point Consensus (5PC).” While stating this, he also specified that ASEAN will continue to assist Myanmar to find normalcy for the sake of its people and in line with the five-point consensus. It is well known that Cambodia’s foreign minister Prak Sokhonn,, who is also the Special Envoy to ASEAN, was, in June, barred for the second time from meeting ex-state counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, other ethnic parties that are not affiliated with the military government. The generals did not listen to the Envoy’s request of releasing Suu Kyi from her detention nor did they refrain from carrying out the executions. Thus, at this point, expecting adherence to the five-point consensus seems a delusional. The Junta has continued to pick and choose points that suit its interest but has seemed uninterested in following the complete peace plan that hopes to bring about fruitful results. Whether the ministerial meeting scheduled on 3 August will bring about some new strategy, or will it just be another rhetoric is yet to be seen. The continued rule of the Junta for more than 18 months is filled with humanitarian crises where more than one million have been displaced, half the nation is living in poverty, humanitarian responses are being curtailed/appropriated, economic condition is depleting and the death toll rising. Against this backdrop extending the state of emergency allows the military to abduct, arrest, punish, kill, and appropriate resources as they deem fit without any explanation or trial. Without any urgent action from the regional blocs and the political will of the generals, changes will be difficult to set in.
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Author

Sreeparna Banerjee

Sreeparna Banerjee

Sreeparna Banerjee is a Junior Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation Kolkata with the Strategic Studies Programme.

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