Women voters are emerging as an increasingly influential electoral constituency in the 2026 Assembly elections, shaped by rising participation and targeted welfare programmes—but this influence has yet to translate into proportional political representation
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With the ongoing Assembly elections in four states and one Union Territory, the spotlight is once again on women voters in India. According to data from the Election Commission of India, this round of elections is skewed towards women, with female electors outnumbering men in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Puducherry and reaching parity in Assam. West Bengal is the only state with a slightly higher percentage of male electors at 51.2 percent. This gap widened further in favour of men with the revision of voter lists under the Special Intensive Revision.
The Assembly elections reflect trends observed nationally. In the 2024 general election, the percentage of female electors increased to 48.62 percent, the highest ever recorded. More significantly, even though the total number of female electors was marginally lower than that of men, women voted in higher numbers than men, for the second time in a row, a trend also observed in 2019. The rise in female voter turnout has been attributed to multiple factors, including higher female literacy and autonomy, greater exposure to news media, grassroots mobilisation, and targeted initiatives by the Election Commission. More importantly, it reflects a broader shift in attitudes, with voting increasingly being seen by women as a voluntary act of self-empowerment and agency.
According to data from the Election Commission of India, this round of elections is skewed towards women, with female electors outnumbering men in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Puducherry and reaching parity in Assam.
While the emergence of the female voter has been widely recognised, this shift warrants closer analysis given its implications for politics and governance in India. For a long time, until the 1990s, male voters outnumbered women by a significant margin. In India’s first general elections in 1951–52, nearly 2.8 million women were disqualified by the Election Commission after identifying themselves in relation to male family members—such as “A’s mother” or “B’s wife”—rather than by their own names. This shift—from that moment to the present, where women’s voting choices directly influence party strategies and political outcomes, as shown by data from Lokniti–Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS)—marks a profound transformation.
Despite women’s increased participation in electoral politics and the expansion of women-centric programmes, this has not translated into greater representation in Parliament or state legislative assemblies. Data from 2021 show that women’s representation remains low across these poll-bound states, with West Bengal at the highest level (13.7 percent), Kerala (7.86 percent), Tamil Nadu (5.13 percent), Assam (4.76 percent), and Puducherry at the lowest level (3.33 percent).
In India’s first general elections in 1951–52, nearly 2.8 million women were disqualified by the Election Commission after identifying themselves in relation to male family members—such as “A’s mother” or “B’s wife”—rather than by their own names.
In the five poll-bound assemblies, women’s presence as a decisive electoral force can be closely linked to the recent expansion of women-centric programmes. These programmes reflect a broader shift in India’s political economy. State governments are designing interventions such as direct cash transfers, mobility schemes, education and livelihood support for women, linking social protection with political mobilisation and voting behaviour.
Tamil Nadu: Since the last election in 2021, Tamil Nadu has significantly scaled up such interventions, introducing an unconditional cash transfer (UCT) programme—Kalaignar Magalir Urimai Thittam—which provides INR 1,000 per month to women heads of households, alongside free bus travel (Magalir Vidiyal Payanam), both of which have demonstrated a positive impact on women’s empowerment. The state also offers INR 1,000 per month to support girls’ access to higher education (Pudhumai Penn Thittam). It is the only state to have a clearly articulated policy for women, the Tamil Nadu State Policy for Women, introduced in 2024, which aims to provide women with improved access to health, education, and employment.
Assam: Assam was among the first states to introduce unconditional cash transfers for women in 2020 (Orunodoi). The programme provides INR 1,250 per month to women heads of households. It also provides monthly stipends of INR 1,250 to support the higher education of girl students (Mukhya Mantrir Nijut Moina). To support grassroots female entrepreneurs, the state offers microgrants of INR 10,000 to women in self-help groups (Mukhyamantri Mahila Udyamita Abhiyaan). Women in self-help groups have received scooters under the Sakhi Express initiative, alongside targeted support for indigenous women weavers (Swanirbhar Naari).
In the five poll-bound assemblies, women’s presence as a decisive electoral force can be closely linked to the recent expansion of women-centric programmes. These programmes reflect a broader shift in India’s political economy.
Kerala: Kerala is the only state among the four that does not have a large-scale UCT programme for women. Just before the election, it announced a monthly pension of INR 1,000 for unemployed women (Sthree Suraksha). The state has also focused on strengthening its existing institutional architecture through Kudumbashree—the state rural livelihoods programme—which has played a central role in poverty eradication, including by providing technology support to women farmers. Kerala’s approach differs from that of other states. Instead of relying on cash transfers, it has invested in institution-building and collective economic empowerment
West Bengal: The state introduced a UCT programme (Lakshmir Bhandar) just before the 2021 election. The programme is credited with mobilising political support while also improving the economic security of women beneficiaries. It is complementary to pre-existing programmes for female education (Kanyashree Prakalpa), which offers cash transfers to support girls’ education, mobility (Sabuj Sathi), which provides free bicycles for students, and a marriage assistance grant (Rupashree Prakalpa).
Puducherry: Since 2023, the government has been offering INR 1,000 to women beneficiaries under the Grant of Monthly Financial Assistance to Women who are Heads of Families Living Below Poverty Line (BPL), which was increased to INR 2,500 in the run-up to this election. Puducherry has a positive gender ratio, with more female electors than men in all constituencies.
One of the key assumptions behind the introduction of women’s reservation in local government over three decades ago was the creation of a pipeline effect, whereby sustained participation at the grassroots level would generate a pool of women leaders and translate into higher representation in assemblies and Parliament. Yet, women’s representation in state assemblies remains low across states. Even today, Chhattisgarh records the highest share, with around 21 percent women MLAs, while the rest lag behind. At the national level, women constitute about 13.6 percent of the Lok Sabha—a decline from 2019—and remain well below the global average of around 27 percent in national parliaments.
Evidence from states such as Kerala and West Bengal, which have performed relatively well in women’s representation in panchayats, suggests that the pipeline effect has been weak, pointing to barriers in the transition from local- to state-level politics.
Evidence from states such as Kerala and West Bengal, which have performed relatively well in women’s representation in panchayats, suggests that the pipeline effect has been weak, pointing to barriers in the transition from local- to state-level politics. This limited progression is shaped by structural constraints, including inadequate support, restricted pathways within political parties, high electoral costs, and persistent social and gender biases.
Moreover, although the women-centric strategies of political parties suggest the pre-eminence of a distinct women’s constituency, evidence shows that women’s political choices are strongly influenced by caste, class, region, welfare exposure, and lived realities, rather than by gender alone. Indian democracy will become more substantive when women, across these diverse identities, step into Parliament and assemblies.
Sunaina Kumar is Director and Senior Fellow at the Centre for New Economic Diplomacy at the Observer Research Foundation.
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