The long-drawn out violence in Ivory Coast, which reached its climax when forces of Alasane Ouattara and incumbent leader Laurent Gbagbo clashed with each other openly, is indicative of deep-rooted problems within the states.
At the core of Ivory Coast's socio-political and subsequent economic turmoil is the fact that the country is divided diagonally on ethnic lines. The French had a unique way of governing over their colony, namely their assimilation and association policy, which sought to transform African 'natives' to 'French subjects' and eventually 'French citizens' through linguistic and cultural assimilation. Unlike the British colonial rule, which was more fluid, adaptive and decentralised, the French rule was more centralised with the Governor ruling directly from Paris, giving little, if any, leeway for Ivoirians to participate in the policy-making process.
With the entry of Felix Houphouet-Boigny, the first President of post-colonial Ivory Coast and a French sympathiser, centralised colonial governance shifted from Paris into the hands of an influential Ivoirian leader. Houphouet-Boigny, often fondly referred to as 'Papa' Houphouet, nurtured a fledgling nation's agricultural and industrial sectors, producing double-digit growth for nearly two decades, and for maintaining stability by keeping ethnic divisions from turning hostile. However, his death in 1993 saw the foundations of the 'Ivorian miracle' rapidly disintegrate, giving way to political turmoil and civil war. 'Papa' Houphouet's death after 33 years of rule left a great political vacuum, which was usurped by leaders who chose to exploit ethnic cleavages to attain power.
Another key to the violence can be found in the large scale ethnic migrations into the northern regions from other countries like Burkina Faso, spurred by an expanding cocoa plantation industry from 1970s onwards. Periods of highly industrialised economic growth led to a heavy influx of foreign-origin labourers competing with Ivorians for resources, especially land. Houphouet-Boigny followed the colonial policy of assimilation and allowed the foreign migrants to build homes in Ivory Coast but barred them from getting Ivoirian citizenship. He managed to temper this potential point of conflict but his successor, Henri Konan Bédié, chose otherwise, and championed the highly divisive idea that the foreign-origin population of the north was not characteristic of true Ivorian cultural identity or Ivoirité. This was also the premise on which Alassane Ouattara, whose parents were originally from Burkina Faso, was legally barred from running for elections in 2000. Not only did this sentiment and legal discrimination create a taxonomy of conflicting identities, but the open migration policy led to intensified land tenure struggles between the north and south, and a massive exodus from rural to urban regions due to a rapidly growing economy.
This continual subjugation of the northern population as non-Ivorian and the identity crisis within the state led to the breakout of the civil war in 2002. The then President Laurent Gbagbo fought with the New Forces, a political coalition of rebel groups from the north demanding more civil and political rights. Violent bloodshed ensued and after various treaties and the intervention of UN and French peacekeeping troops, a peace agreement was signed between the government and the New Forces with their leader, Guillame Soro, being appointed as Prime Minister, under Gbagbo's presidency. Till today, the New Forces control a considerable part of northern Ivory Coast.
Although Gbagbo's mandate in office expired in 2005, the United Nations Security Council endorsed the extension of his mandate by a year in order to deal with security and the implementation of de-weaponisation in the war-stricken Ivory Coast. Elections were continually stalled till they were finally held on November 28, 2010, with Ouattara, a former economist with the IMF and the head of the Rally of the Republicans party, running as Gbagbo's opponent. Gbagbo's insistence on holding on to the presidential seat and claiming that the elections were fraudulent (despite the fact that UN election commissioners oversaw the process) led to the breaking point between the two sides.
The violence and instability have wrecked Ivory Coast economically. With the UN, European Union, US and central bank of West Africa slapping on numerous sanctions on Ivory Coast for months, the country's economy, second largest in West Africa, has greatly suffered. Out of a 21 million population, 4 million are unemployed. Investments have dried out. Businesses and shops in Abidjan, the commercial capital, were closed for months given the violent outbreaks and killings on the streets. Approximately 400,000 tons of cocoa beans remains stuck in warehouses in Ivory Coast's two major ports, with more waiting to be transported from inland rural areas.
Is there a way forward in Ivory Coast? The Ivory Coast's government is modelled on France's presidency model, which allows the President extensive jurisdiction and power. Absent are appropriate checks and balances and mechanisms to ensure misuse of such powers. Thus, it is important for the new leadership of Ivory Coast to address the nation's long-standing ethnic migration and its widespread socio-economic consequences.
As regions around the world, especially North Africa and West Asia, are being hit by waves of popular protests, and are forced to adopt a more democratic accountability, it is imperative for Ouattara and other Ivory Coast leaders to broaden their approach of governance and move away from exploiting ethnic cleavages and patron-client relations towards greater political responsiveness among the people. There is a great urgency for the Ivorian state to create checks and balances that will impose executive restraints in governance so that future political leaders are not encouraged to exploit the people for dangerously myopic political gains. This can be established by creating multiple veto power players within the government that will seek to balance the tenets of a democratic system. By empowering its political institutions and aligning their objectives with the well-being of its citizens, Ivory Coast can move towards a more balanced political system that is not reminiscent of its colonial, authoritative power.
Anjana Varma is Research Assistant, Africa Studies Programme, ORF
The views expressed above belong to the author(s). ORF research and analyses now available on Telegram! Click here to access our curated content — blogs, longforms and interviews.
PREV
