Recent trends in American politics reflect deep political polarisation on foreign policy matters--whether in dealing with Iran, Israel and climate change issues. On the other hand, India-US relationship has enjoyed bipartisan support with both Republican and Democratic administration and legislators indicating support. A similar instance of this broad based US support in favour of cooperation with India was seen recently.
On March 15, the House of Representatives passed an amendment to the National Defence Authorisation Act (NDAA) calling for an expansion of the Indo-US defence cooperation. The amendment was offered by Ed Royce, Republican chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, its top Democratic member Eliot Engel, Democrat Ami Bera and George Holding, co-chairs of the Congressional Caucus on India and Indian Americans. The bill for amendment to the National Defence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 authorizes FY2016 appropriations and sets forth policies for Department of Defence (DOD) programmes and activities, including military personnel strengths.
This solid bipartisan in support of strengthening India-US defence cooperation also reflects America's security concerns in the Indo-Pacific. Democrat Joe Crowley, vice chair of the Democratic Caucus stated that the US partnership with India is far and wide in scope from shared security in the Indo-Pacific to expanded scientific collaboration in clean energy and space exploration.
The amendment to the NDAA also comes at a time when the US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter is expected to visit India next week. Secretary Carter has been an open champion of Indo-US strategic partnership and has been credited with infusing a new dynamism in Indo-US defence ties with the 'Carter Initiative', later formally known as the Defence Trade and Technology Initiative (DTTI).
After the successful visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Washington and President Obama to New Delhi, the stage is set for an expansive Indo-US defence cooperation. It is expected that during Secretary Carter's visit, he would sign a 10-year India-US Defence Framework Agreement, which would serve as a roadmap to bolster Indo-US defence ties. There are also plans to review the progress on the co-production of four path finder projects for co-development and co-production under the aegis of DTTI.
Additionally, IHS Jane's Defence Weekly reports that the US is expected to offer the Textron AirLand Scorpion light-attack and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) aircraft. The Scorpion has been dubbed as the "world's most affordable tactical jet aircraft". There are speculations that Secretary Carter would make the proposal to jointly make Scorpion light attack aircraft in India.
Co-development of Scorpion light attack aircraft would give an impetus to DTTI as it would be a move to go higher in the technology value chain from the four path-finder projects identified during President Obama's visit to New Delhi. Namely, Aero Vironment RQ-11 Raven battlefield unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs); roll-on/roll-off ISR modules for the IAF's 11 Lockheed Martin C-130J-30 transport aircraft; mobile electric hybrid power sources; and uniform integrated protection ensemble increment (chemical, biological warfare protection gear for soldiers). Reflected in the India-US Joint Statement, the two countries are also expected to create a working group to share aircraft carrier technology and design.
Over the last decade, the US has emerged as the largest defence exporter to India with a burgeoning trade of circa $9 billion. In 2013 alone, US exported defence equipment worth more than $1.9 billion to India from heavy lift planes to surveillance aircrafts and other complex technological defence products. Bulk of the US defence trade has been through Foreign Military Sales (FMS) route which is based on one time purchase, does not add any know-how to an Indian partner and is not based on competitive market principles.
Defence trade through the FMS route incurs a lot of expenditure and is not conducive for Indian industries and hence, untenable in the long run. In this respect, one needs to examine the rhetoric underlying the overemphasis on the capacity of defence trade with the US which would facilitate the rise of domestic defence industry. Present geopolitics and the delicate security fabric of South Asia and East Asia have necessitated the urgent need for reinvigoration of India's military capabilities. Recently, the Indian Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) has given a go ahead of $700 million to purchase the ultra-light BAE M777 Howitzer for the Indian Army. Steps undertaken to acquire 145 M777 has underlined India's intent on bolstering defence capabilities and ramping up indigenous capabilities with a 'Make in India' angle. The acquisition of the M777 was first cleared in 2010 by the UPA government in a government to government deal through FMS, however it failed to operationalize due to difference in prices and offset obligations.
The present government has ensured that the ultra-light howitzers could be partly made locally with BAE which proposes to set up a production unit in partnership with a private Indian firm. Reportedly, BAE is in the final stages of selecting its Indian partner and in the race are Mahindra, L&T and Tata which would help BAE to set up an assembly, integration and testing facility. Indian SMEs are also expected to receive an impetus with BAE's commitment of $200 million investment as a part of defence offset obligations under the 'Make in India' programme.
The M777 is an ultra light weight, 155mm, 39 calibre towed howitzer weighing less than 4000 kgs per unit with a range of 30km originally meant to be a principal weapon for India's Mountain Strike Corps. The light weight of the M777 is due to the use of titanium and allows the M777 to be transported by C-17 Globemaster, C-130 Hercules and also the CH-47 Chinook helicopters which has been cleared for purchase by the DAC in August 2014. With easy airlift features, the M777 would enable India to deploy lethal and heavy firepower.
Indian defence experts believe that in order to strengthen defence ties, the US government would need to address Indian industry's pressing concerns regarding the lack of credible technology transfers from the US side. The other key issue that remains to be unlocked from the US side is challenges of transfer of technology due to International Traffic in Arms Regulation.
The three foundational agreements - Communications and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA), Logistics Support Agreement (LSA) and Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) proposed by the US government to India is aimed at promoting military cooperation. The Pentagon has stated that these defence agreements does not infringe upon India's sovereignty or provide unapproved access to foreign military assets or IT systems.
However, due to security concerns from the Indian side, these foundational agreements have not been signed by the Indian government. Lack of concurrence on the foundational agreement which the US considers is at the heart of its defence cooperation with foreign militaries-aimed at reducing logistical challenges-has also contributed to slowing the pace for closer Indo-US defence cooperation. In spite of the impediments, military cooperation between the two countries is posited to move to the next level with the upcoming visit of Secretary Carter.
It is not solely business and commerce that underpins India-US defence ties. A growing India-US strategic and defence partnership emanates from the logic of geopolitics. Thus, sustained bipartisan support in favour of burgeoning India-US ties would provide the required momentum for realizing the full meaning of their strategic partnership.
( The writer is a Junior Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi)
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